Reading Katherine Mansfield as `Selective Cultural Archaeology'

Alice Hennessey
University of Canterbury
Cultural Studies

Deep South v.3 n.2 (Winter 1997)


Copyright (c) 1997 by Alice Hennessey, all rights reserved.

Alice Hennessy wrote this paper as part of a University of Canterbury Cultural Studies project involving ninety undergraduate and graduate students theorising the construction of "New Zealand Nostalgias". Alice was one of the few who chose a specifically "Literary" focus (most chose historic sites, museums, film texts, &c). On ANZAC Day, 1997, the day after she submitted the paper, Alice was killed in a triple road fatality as she was driving back from university to the family farm in South Canterbury. Since she would clearly have revised and extended this work, it is perhaps best to regard it as a draft of a work in progress


"Reading Katherine Mansfield as 'Selective Cultural Archaeology'" Alice K. Hennessy

In examining Claudia Bell's theory of nostalgia as "selective cultural archaeology", I will discuss two short stories by New Zealand literary icon Katherine Mansfield entitled "The Woman at the Store" and "The Garden Party". My choice is indicative of my rural upbringing on a South Island sheep farm. The result is my recognition of colonial New Zealand as my very real heritage. Having said this, the position from which I view the texts is decisively dictated by my location within contemporary 1990's society. Critically assessing nostalgia and its role in establishing a collective Pakeha identity, the question of my location within this context was raised. A consideration of the productive and marketable aspects of nostalgia gave me my answer. I came to agree with Bell's notion of the exploitation of nostalgia in terms of its appeal to the consumer.

As a member of "Generation X," however, faced with the prospect of moving into a new millennium, I find nostalgia for the colonial past is less a part of my identity than a recognition of this past as inert. This is where Bell fails to clarify her argument. Her failure to make any distinction as to who engages in this collective nostalgia effectively alienates one aspect of her argument from the other; that is, the relationship between nostalgia as actively creating a usable Pakeha identity, and nostalgia as the irresistible ingredient in consumerism. An analysis of my viewing position in regard to the Katherine Mansfield texts has revealed nostalgia, as Bell defines it, to be age specific. Discovering its specificity -- to whom and for what reasons -- requires an analysis of various definitions of nostalgia.

The origins of the word "nostalgia" date back to the Seventeenth Century where it constituted an illness with explicit symptoms and sometimes fatal consequences. In 1688 it was medically diagnosed and the explanation for its existence was that "once away from their native homeland some people languished, wasted away and even perished" (Lowenthal: 10). The word itself is derived from the Greek words nostos (return to native land) and algos (suffering or grief). The concept of nostalgia as a potentially fatal disease was sustained until surprisingly recent times. This occurred mainly through an association with chronic yearning for home within the armed forces. As late as the second world war, nostalgia featured on the U.S. Surgeon-General's list of standard illnesses, although behavioural patterns associated with nostalgia overshadowed the physical symptoms even then. Today it is associated with homesickness and is regarded as strictly a state of mind. Such a sociological reading of nostalgia is reflected in contemporary dictionary definitions. For example the Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd Edition, describes nostalgia as "regretful or sorrowful longing for the conditions of a past age". Bell cites "some commentators" to explain this literal definition of nostalgia as a "failure of the collective consciousness to deal with the modernising process in contemporary society". (Bell: 181). How collective is that consciousness? My suggestion that this yearning for an earlier time is age specific illustrates Bell's failure to deal with an important distinction. What section of contemporary society is finding it difficult to deal with modernisation and its effects?

The generation known as the "baby boomers" and the generation preceding them fit Bell's analysis of a preoccupation with nostalgia for the colonial age. As Bell suggests, this is an answer to "a sense of present times being in crisis". (Bell: 175). For them, technology and the effects of capitalism have accelerated at excessive pace, resulting in a sense of ambivalence with regard to the stability of contemporary society. This provokes a yearning for the supposed normality and order of colonialism. Consequently, nostalgia is, for them, an attempt to reaffirm the happiness associated with a former time or place. My generation, then, is growing into adulthood and anticipating the advent of a new millennium. We have the problem of recognising and coping with this colonial heritage which simultaneously sustains and constrains us. Growing up within the age of established urbanisation and advanced technology means a certain alienation from colonialism as a means of identification. Certainly it is a central aspect of Pakeha identity. Will it, however, continue to be relevant to a generation raised on computers and cell phones? Bell believes increasing modernisation creates unease in society which causes increased nostalgia for the simplicity of colonial existence. (Bell, p. 175). For young New Zealanders today, modern technology is more a part of our identity than colonialism will ever be. There is a recognition of the sustenance of colonial heritage provides our national identity yet we are not constrained by nostalgia for colonialism as a way of dealing with society's present condition.

To turn now to my choice of texts. The stories I shall refer to are very different in terms of the strategies employed in the production of nostalgia. Both deal with colonial New Zealand and are based on actual events in Katherine Mansfield's life. However "The Woman at the Store" depicts colonial life as a hazardous and rugged existence, while "The Garden Party" is more an enactment of colonialism as the utopian ideal. By juxtaposing these stories it becomes obvious that, through nostalgia, the past can be manipulated into something workable and suitable to present day existence.

In the choice of texts I was also interested in the role of dominant literature in the production and marketing of nostalgia. As Mansfield is such an authoritative figure in the new Zealand literary canon, her writing, with its associated prestige, is still studied in both secondary and tertiary institutions. Her work holds the weight of "genius", a factor which is intrinsically tied to the marketability of her writing. The fact that Mansfield is still so widely read is indicative, not only of her writing skill, but of the enduring nature of colonialism as an interesting and highly profitable subject. The idea of colonialism as a profitable commodity influenced my choice of texts since Bell concentrates on the commercial side of nostalgia using predominantly contemporary examples such as the Big Fresh supermarket chain. (Bell: 173-174). To use such an esteemed author as Mansfield, still widely published today, illustrates the extent to which nostalgia permeates multiple levels of contemporary culture. The two stories in question were written in 1912 and 1921. Their continued relevance in terms of contemporary readership illustrates another important point. For them to endure the test of time they have necessarily been interpreted differently by subsequent generations.

This refers back to the point of the age specificity of nostalgia for a certain era. My parents' and grandparents' generations would read these stories as having a direct relationship to their national identity. The age of technology, modernisation and the benefit of hindsight have armed my generation with superior knowledge. For instance the now widely known effects of goldmining, de-forestation and the introduction of exotic flora and fauna are not compatible with the environmental awareness of my generation. The effect of this is a distancing from colonialism as a means of national identity. A crucial aspect of contemporary young New Zealand is the concept of critical awareness, whereby we are encouraged to question all aspects of the past, present and future. Colonialism, then, is no longer upheld as the "golden age" which does not necessarily mean that there is no longing for the conditions of the colonial past. The importance of colonialism in the construction of nostalgia is emphasised because of its central position in the process of national myth-making. Neo-colonialism has evolved as a fundamental principle of popular mythology aimed at creating a collective Pakeha identity. (Bell: 165-174). Aspects of these mythologies are clearly evident in Mansfield's stories. These aspects clarify what constitutes inclusion into the concept of a national Pakeha identity.

The theory of contemporary nostalgia-based utopianism is put into practice by "The Garden Party". One could be mistaken in thinking the idyllic imagery of the story as being set in grand old England. However Mansfield locates the setting as New Zealand based with the use of such words as "karaka trees". (Mansfield: 488). This creates the impression of a hassle-free English gentry located within a native New Zealand setting. It is complemented by the use of English colloquialisms within the conversational dialogue, as in this conversation between Laura and her brother Laurie. For example: "Ra-ther," said Laurie's warm, boyish voice, and he squeezed his sister too, and gave her a gentle push. "Dash off to the telephone, old girl". (Mansfield: 489).

The sense of gaiety in the story surrounding the party and its preparation is marred slightly by the death of a poverty stricken neighbour. Laura eases any sense of guilt by taking the bereaved family left-overs from the party. The experience of entering the family's dingy cottage almost overwhelms her refined sensibilities. Her reaction to her brother Laurie's concern about her ordeal illustrates one aspect of the production of nostalgia within the story. He asks "'Was it awful?' 'No,' sobbed Laura.'It was simply marvellous. But, Laurie-' She stopped, she looked at her brother. 'Isn't life,' she stammered, 'isn't life-.' But what life was she couldn't explain. No matter. He quite understood: 'Isn't it, darling?'" (Mansfield: 499). This extract embodies the concept of our ancestors time as being "imbued with special positive qualities that contrast with perceptions of the present" (Bell: 177). Laura had just visited a dead man's family after hosting an extravagant party basically on their doorstep and the experience was "marvellous". Colonialism is presented here as a kind of quasi "Room with a View" existence. This concept was included into popular mythology through its existence in literature such as this. By its very nature it produces nostalgia in present day society by constructing itself as idyllic.

In contrast, "The Woman at the Store" is a depiction of the harsh realities of life in the New Zealand backblocks. In keeping with Mansfield's style of writing, the plot evolves through the dialogue. We learn that the female store-keeper has suffered severe physical degradation through the trials of her isolated existence. This idea constitutes the climax of the story when it is suggested she shot and buried her husband. The setting of the story is unmistakably New Zealand shown in the use of such terms as "whare", the Maori word for house, used by Europeans at the time to describe any primitive shanty. References to prominent New Zealand figures like Richard Seddon also help to establish the context as a depiction of New Zealand colonialism.

The question of how the production of nostalgia is plausible within this text is answered by Bell: "If it looks as if some of our ancestors had a pretty tough time of it, we can skip any analysis with facile sympathy: 'poor things!'" (Bell: 177). She suggests that the benefit of using nostalgia in the formulation of national identity is its complete freedom from social analysis or conflict. Therefore, production of nostalgia for the austere existence of "the woman at the store" is reasonable. It can be explained as a sense of admiration and sympathy for our ancestors' courage under harsh conditions, resulting in a yearning for similar personality traits in the present day.

Nostalgia in both these stories is produced through contrasting depictions of colonial existence. The continual significance of colonialism, in terms of a collective Pakeha identity, guarantees (to an extent) the marketability of nostalgia within the text. Bell explains these stories as "local written histories" which are part of a "drive to convey a positive past matching popular mythologies." (Bell: 175). Nostalgia then, is a constructed idealisation of the past based on a sense of instability arising from the conditions of the present day.

It appears then that the colonial past becomes very distinct from the present and yet it is manipulated by present day aims. An important aspect of this manipulation is a motivation to capitalise on the widespread appeal of nostalgia as a commercial commodity. The widely held belief in New Zealand that what is old is necessarily good has created a huge market for colonial-style paraphernalia. Bell believes that "in the 1990s we are seeing a growing industry" of a nostalgia-oriented market. It is here that a distinction between the past and the present is vital. Today's baby-boom generation make up a large portion of the population and they are either in, or approaching, their fifties. For them and for their parents' generation, nostalgia is "memory with the pain removed". (Lowenthal: 8). It functions as a sort of security blanket against massive and somewhat distressing change. Consequently, nostalgia can be described as a past created by the individual, moulded on their own selective vsion.

For my generation this vision is no longer relevant to our existence. This preoccupation with the past has become a burden which in effect negates our attempts at creating an identity consistent with our contemporary situation. As Bell points out "mass culture" is now "urban culture". (Bell: 174). The majority of my generation has grown up in the city which further alienates us from indulging in nostalgia for colonial themes. For example, despite my rural upbringing, furthering my education has meant I have spent almost half my life in an urban environment. We are also the new generation of consumers faced with a hugely developed heritage industry. My suggestion is that this industry will decline as we become established as the dominant consumer group. We recognise colonialism as an important part of our collective identity yet we do not believe that it will sustain us in the future.

The Katherine Mansfield texts which I examined elucidate the ways in which nostalgia is produced and marketed. "The Woman at the Store" and "The Garden Party" are two distinctly different portrayals of colonial life. Both of these are manipulated into a usable nostalgia for constructing a collective Pakeha identity. This fact sustains the marketability of nostalgia. Mansfield lived at a time when Pakeha identity was still in its early formative period. This gives a certain credibility to her work and it enhances the text's consumer appeal in terms of nostalgia. The result of my research and construction of this essay is that I have had to question my identity as a young New Zealand adult. I would have liked to have surveyed a more significant amount of my contemporaries to give added weight to my argument.

I have considered Bell's points about the proliferation of colonial-based nostalgia. Her notions of its construction, practice, and position as the "seductive component of consumer products" are all valid. (Bell, p. 175). In my description of Katherine Mansfield texts I unearthed the fact that the consumer value of nostalgia will not be sustained by my generation. Although we recognise the colonial past as an intrinsic part of our heritage we can also critically assess it for what it is: a constructed idealisation based on a deep desire for stability within contemporary society and the drive for a collective Pakeha identity. Therefore nostalgia becomes a burden which must be expunged before it forecloses the future.

Works Cited

Alpers, Antony, ed. The Stories of Katherine Mansfield. Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1984.

Bell, Claudia.Inventing New Zealand: Everyday Myths of Pakeha Identity. Auckland: Penguin, 1996.

Lowenthal, David. The Past Is a Foreign Country. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

Williams, Raymond. The Country and the City. London: Paladin, 1973.


Write a letter to The Editor,