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¶THE fall and euill successe of Rebellion from time to time Wherein is contained matter, moste meete for all estates to vewe. Written in old Englishe verse, by Wilfride_Holme. | |
Imprinted at London, by Henry_Binne man dwelling in Knightriders _streate , at the signe of the Mermaide. And are to be sold at his shop at the Northwest doore of Paules Church. Anno. 1572 Februarie 9. | |
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To the Reader. |
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WHat lookst thou for in this discourse, | |
(Good Reader) let me know: | |
Of loyall Subiectes that doe liue? | |
No, of Rebels ouerthrow. | |
5 | From time to time since Moyses was, |
The rage of Rebels ire | |
Hath hit still iust on their desertes, | |
And gained them their hire. | |
As haultie Holme in loftie stile | |
10 | Hath paint their doings trim: |
Oh rebels rue your wretched case, | |
And warning take by him, | |
Who telles full plaine, your faithlesse force | |
Had alwayes ouerthrowe, | |
15 | And shall doe still, till loyally |
You Prince and duetie knowe. | |
Farewell good Reader for this time, | |
Let Holme the sequele show, | |
Who lets the faithfull subiect see | |
20 | The Traytors follie and woe. |
R._S. |
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¶The fall of Rebellion. |
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WHen Phoebus abated from the abundant fr[i]giditie, frigiditie] fragiditie 1572 | |
And Ianus_Bifrons past his situation, | |
When Vere nigh entred to his humiditie, | |
Soon after Februa the Goddesse dedication, | |
5 | When Sol in Pisces tooke his habitation: |
Then mused I the Zodiak instabilitie, | |
And howe that nature is naught but variation, | |
Reserued the Astripotent of his benignitie. | |
Thus compassing my senses, soone after Aurora, | |
10 | When Lucifer the watch-Star was past his illucident, |
In the surrection of Titan then tooke I my iorney, | |
To a Riuer in a Mountaine towarde the Occident, | |
Where beames of Ipergeus come from the Orient, | |
Glystring in resplendishor right goodly to beholde, resplendishor: see OED resplendishure | |
15 | Where Nayades the Nymph had doone her denorment, |
And scummed the water more cleare than any golde. | |
For the bemes with the glemes were faire and refulgent, | |
More clearer than Carbuncle, Electrum or Christall, | |
With rasis and trasis, al siluer and orient, | |
20 | Whose pulchritude to beholde it seemed supernaturall: |
Thus gasping and gasing, I heard a voyce vocall | |
Languishing in dolour, lament and complaine, | |
Am I a Queene (quod she,) or Empresse imperiall? | |
Nay Apostata, like Dalida, a Meretrix certaine. | |
25 | At the clamor all obstupefact, I started in that steede, |
And fatally I sawe a Lady mysticall, | |
With a Crowne of golde, and a Diademe on hir heade, | |
Dight all with Diamonds and Rubies so royall, | |
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With Emeraudes and Iacincts, and many Gemmes generall, | |
30 | As Turkas, and Topasion, with Saphirs blewe and bise, |
That Plinius in his practise coulde not discribe them al, | |
Nor yet Pithagoras was able to summe the prise. | |
But Pigmalion , the Mason in crafte artificiall, | |
Could not transforme so wofull a Creature, | |
35 | Nor yet Appelles the Pictor principall, |
So macerate and leane a doleful portraiture, | |
In a Frock black as Sables, dark citrine and obscure, | |
With a Kyrtle bloudy of colour bombesine, | |
And a Rayle all to_ryuen more blonkysh than azure, | |
40 | With an antick deaurate with letters argentine. |
She sobbed and sighed with ample teares lacrimable, | |
But with asper voice and clamor vehement | |
In a furie (quod she with wordes intollerable,) | |
Holme , I am Anglia the Princesse excellent, | |
45 | Whose renoumed benignitie through causes negligent |
Is like to be extirped, expulsed, and expelled | |
Through insurrection and copious detriment, | |
Of people peruerse amongst themselues rebelled. | |
Immediatly to mee hir Seruaunt obedient, | |
50 | She commaunded to pronounce some stories of sedition, |
I replyed vnto hir grace, she being not discontent, | |
Me for to pardon and therefore haue remyssion, | |
For I was timorous and afraide of punition, | |
And as a Gemme without glosse vnpullished to shyne, | |
55 | With senses obtused, and brayne in oppression, |
For default of Literature, and lack of discipline. | |
But so importunate forsooth was hir request, | |
That ignorance notwithstanding I began to descriue, | |
How that in the Historiographie it is playne expressed, | |
60 | That Graccus by suggestion falsly did contriue |
The Romains to rebel with the Senatours to striue, | |
Chalenging equipolent all things to be deuided, | |
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Through whose discention as Oroke doth discriue, | |
Much ruine there befell, and many men occided. | |
65 | Also the triumphant Troyans victorious, |
By Anthenor and Aeneas false confederacie, | |
Sending Polidamus to Neoptholemus , | |
Was vanquished, and subdued by their conspiracie. | |
O dolorous fortune and fatall miserie, | |
70 | For multitude of people was there mortificate, |
With condigne Priamus and all his progenie, | |
And flagrant Polixene that Lady delicate. | |
The iugling of Iugurth with strife and dissention, | |
Destroyed all Numidie , (as Salust doth declare) | |
75 | And Percius of Macedone with craftie inuention |
Rebelled (saith Eutropius ) with the Romains to compare, | |
His host was destroyed, and who will contemplare, | |
Trogus declareth that in prolixitie, | |
Where-as before, but contributers they were, | |
80 | They were after subdued to their great miserie. |
Titus_Liuius, ( de gestis Romanorum ) | |
Describeth when the Combres and Numides were destroyed, | |
Ex Maurio condigno flore Senatorum, | |
Then Maurius woulde haue had his office fayne renued, | |
85 | To the seuenth time Consull, but Silla that eschued, |
Through which sedition and high ingratitude, | |
I say more mischeefe to the Romaines ensued, | |
Than did by Haniball for all his fortitude. | |
The dissention of two brethren the sonnes of Oedippus , | |
90 | Which resolued the probleme of the S[ph]inx in the valie Sphinx] Shpinx 1572 |
Was the principall cause of destruction of Thebes, | |
Which Amphion builded with the Harpe of Mercurie, | |
The stones lept vp with the harmonious melodie, | |
Which fiction Poetique is nothing to be tried, | |
95 | But by prolixing and pronouncing in facunde Retorie, |
The Commons them-selues the Citie edified. | |
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Petrus_Comestor in his storye Scolasticall, | |
Publisheth and declareth, howe Aristobilus | |
Discorded with Hircanus his brother naturall, | |
100 | Through whose occasion the noble Pompeius , |
With power potentiall and actes victorious, | |
Wanne all Hierusalem, with the place dedicate, | |
With great occision to them calumnious, | |
Difringing the Walles with wayes most toxicate. | |
105 | The Romaine Topographie declareth how Marcellus , |
With the excellent Pompeius , by their biplicitie | |
The Lauriat triumphe denied vnto Iulius , | |
Whose noblenesse surmounted with great famositie, | |
Which was the occasion of great mortalitie: | |
110 | For Pompeius was slaine by this altercation, |
With mortall battailes and great calamitie, | |
To the Romains domage and great desolation. | |
Diuers cruell battailes amongst the Romains hath ben, | |
One was Lepidus fought against Catullus , | |
115 | In an-other the Commontie fought with Cateline , |
And Antonius with Octauianus , | |
Another, Sertorius was against Pompeius , | |
Wherein was slaine by this last detraction, | |
Twelue hundred Kings, and that right cheualrous, | |
120 | Of worthy parentage and valiant extraction. |
Was not Iulius CÆsar the victor bellipotent, | |
Occided and slayne by people maleuolent? | |
But Octauian his Nephew the Emperour excellent, | |
Repugned with those Rascals and Traitours fradulent: | |
125 | For Marcus_Anthonius and he, by consent, |
Destroyed those choorles and rebels furibund, | |
Both Brutus and Crassus the harlottes rabient, | |
With diuers Senatours, and many a Vacabund. | |
Such murder, such treason, and such disobedience | |
130 | As the Romains haue had, was neuer specified, |
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For Decius slewe Phillip , to haue the preheminence, | |
And Emilaine , Gallus , and Luciane mortified, | |
And Probus , and Gordaine , as plaine is notified, | |
Were slayne by villaines to Romes great perdition, | |
135 | And foure ciuil battels by Otho was magnified, |
But pouertie at the length was the diffinition. | |
Rose not Maxencius , with Knights of the Pretorie, | |
Against Seuerus and Galerius_Augustus ? | |
And Seuerus Knightes betrayed him by Trecherie, | |
140 | And then came assistaunce of noble Herculius , |
Which was onely father to the saide Maxentius , | |
Prouoking Dioclesian , for to take the dignitie, | |
But in my coniecture this was to them dolorous, | |
Pondring this mutable and sodeine diuersitie. | |
145 | There Marcus the Consull, in Italie confounded |
Three score thousand Riotors of that domination, | |
And also Metredas , in force which abounded, | |
Contrarie to alegiance, made great litigation | |
Aboue twentie yeares, with great confutation, | |
150 | But in the sequele, as Fortune did execute, |
Destroyed was he and his procreation, | |
His posteritie slaine, his Regions destitute. | |
The Bible is euident, how Sichem congregation, | |
By slaying of Abimeleck them-selues made fatigate, | |
155 | And the storye Iudicum maketh cleare declaration, |
How a Concubine was wrapped with lecherie insatiate, | |
Whose husband in twelue her members mutilate, | |
Sending to the Tribes with great lamentation: | |
Wherefore Israell had almost abrogate | |
160 | The whole tribe of Beniamin for their abomination. |
In the seconde booke of Samuell it is playne expressed, | |
How Absolons disobedience and false peruersitie, | |
Made himselfe to be slayne and Israell oppressed, | |
With great effusion of bloude by his dualitie, | |
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165 | By the doughtinesse of Dauid, and his nobilitie, |
And eke Achitophell the counseller sapient, | |
Was so dispaired and in perplexitie, | |
That he hanged himselfe the traitor negligent. | |
Fiue hundred thousand of Israell were slaine and necated | |
170 | Of the house of Ieroboam, their king and principal, |
In Paralipomenon it is cleare dilated, | |
How Abia of Iuda destroyed them for beliall, | |
And Iehu slew Achab, and his sonnes collaterall | |
Vanquished his bloud, his stocke and Genealogie, | |
175 | And also Ochosias of Iuda most royall, |
Was slaine and his bretherne by Iehues conspiracie. | |
Sundry ingratitudes amongs the Iewes haue bene, | |
As Saul against Dauid,and Ioab with Abnere, | |
And the seede of Ochozias, with Alathia the Queene, | |
180 | With deuiding of Kingdomes as plainly doth appeere, |
Of Iuda and Israell which was the cause cleere | |
Of their captiuitie, and the transmigration, | |
For diuers heades made diuers Gods seyre, seyre: see OED sere, adv. and a.2 | |
Wherefore God gaue them vp to their great damnation. | |
185 | The bookes of Machabes discribeth the perturbance, |
Of the male Caliditie that came by Alcinous , | |
To them pestiferous, and to their great doliance, | |
Besides the destruction of noble Machabeus , | |
And eke the discorde of yong Antiochus , | |
190 | Against Phillip the Traytor disloyal, |
With the treason of Triphon against King Demetrius , | |
With the vniustnesse of Iason the theefe most vnnaturall. | |
In Iosephus we may see, that the Iewes for Rebellion | |
Were conquered of Titus the sonne of Vaspasian , | |
195 | And other stories say ther was slayne a Mylion, |
With a hundreth M. moe and C. thousand tane, | |
And afterward, contempt oppressed them by Adrian , | |
And cleane deiect them from their habitation, | |
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Making in Ierusalem Foreners remayne, | |
200 | And now pay they tribute in euery other Nation. |
What should I recounte the Rebellion of Cresius , | |
With a thousand such moe, to make macrologie, | |
My matter to prolong? it were but superfluous. | |
But yet I will rehearse to touch somewhat briefly, | |
205 | As concerning England, our owne natiue Countrey, |
For-why, the Auctors do wonderously dissent, | |
Therefore I will rehearse to this antilloquie, | |
But only the cognisaunce which appeereth verament. | |
This Region was maculate, and put to rapacitie | |
210 | With the force of the Danes, by Buerne contention, |
And slaine was King Edmund, King Osbridge, and Ellee, | |
And ouer this, one Mordred, he made false preuention | |
With Arthur his Soueraigne, with such great dissention, | |
That only it caused not greate desolation, | |
215 | But also perturbed the Royall intention, |
From the Romaine Diademe, with the Coronation. | |
Iulius CÆsar , for all his audacitie, | |
Was twice expulsed of Cassibolanus , | |
And made to recuile for all his Artillerie, | |
220 | To the maledict conflict of one Andragius |
The Earle of London, a Traitour contagious, | |
Whose ayde, procurement and false introduction, | |
Foundred al Britaine from the estate prosperous, | |
And made vs be subiect, to our great destruction. | |
225 | Sithens the Conquest hath ben mischiefe inestimable, |
As against king Stephen, Maude the Empresse excitation. | |
But Henry the yonger, an acte more myrable, | |
Contended with his Father, with strife and mination: | |
What sapience was heere in this procuration, | |
230 | To subdue his Father by his conuexitie, |
Was not the Deuill in this inclination, | |
To make such discorde amongst the commontie? | |
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The well-redoubted king, in actes most martiall, | |
Richard_Curedelion , from his Conquest ineffable | |
235 | Was made to recule by his brother naturall. |
Pretending the Crowne with wayes inexecrable. | |
But alas for sorowe, this Prince inexpugnable | |
Was taken by the way, but yet diffibulate | |
At the last was he, with Raunsom innumerable, | |
240 | And his enimies were taken and cleane exuperate. |
I am ashamed to pronounce, to publish and declare | |
The Baronage commotion, against Iohn their King, | |
And how to extringe his Sonne they did compare, | |
It museth my mynde suche naughty demeaning, | |
245 | But what was the finall that came by transgressing? |
Murder and death to the Realme right exial, | |
Destroying of Fortresses, which yet is remayning, | |
Subduing of Townes, to vs all preiudiciall. | |
Thomas Earle of Lancaster, was hanged and decollate, | |
250 | With sixtene Barrons moe in Edward the seconds days, |
The filthy demeanor that then was approbate, | |
I abhor to recite, they tooke such naughtie wayes. | |
For Tullius were not able, at the full to disprayse | |
The naughtinesse of the Queene, with her malignitie, | |
255 | But GOD doth requite with a corrosie alwayes: |
For Mortimer was slaine, for all his pompositie. | |
Iacke_Straw, Wat_Tiler, the Chieftains of Essex and Kent, | |
Against Richard the seconde began to make pretence, | |
But after a little rumour on Gallous were they hente, | |
260 | By fortie, by fyftie, this was their best defence, |
And the Earls of Ratcot_bridge, which had the preheminence, | |
By processe were slaine and with deth enterlarded, | |
For iniquitie by Iustice of very congruence, | |
Against true alegiance is oft thus rewarded. | |
265 | The Dukes of Surrey and Exeter with treason infect, |
With the Earle of Glocester and the Earle of Salisburie, | |
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Pretended in a mumming, like traitours detect, | |
To slea their liege-Lorde the noble fourthe Henry: | |
But headed were they with all their affinitie, | |
270 | By the Commons purveyance and the diuine regiment. |
In likewise with battell was slayne the yong Percie, | |
His Uncle hanged and drawen, of Gallous first pendent. | |
The Archbishop of Yorke with the Earle-Marshall of England, | |
For their insult was hanged and their inquietude, | |
275 | And the Lord Bardolfe, with the Earle of Northumberland, |
Was instigate to insurge their Prince to illude, | |
To their intermission the veritie to conclude, | |
For by the Commons they were hanged and inquinate. | |
Here may be perceyued how that a small valitude, | |
280 | Wyll reskue a Prince from subiects insaciate. |
In the dayes of the sixth Henrie, Iacke_Cade made a brag | |
With a multitude of people, but in the consequence, | |
After a little insanie they fled tag and rag: | |
For Alexander_Iden he did his diligence, | |
285 | So interuention was Iacke_Cades recompence, |
And the commons were hanged in diuers partes seere, | |
By the kings iustices and his magnificence, | |
By due execution by Oyere-Determinere. | |
The fielde of Saint_Albons was a battell violent, | |
290 | Another the Lord Audley with the Earle of Salisburie, |
The field of Northampton was a cruell cruciament, | |
Againe at Saint_Albons was great immiserie. | |
And at Mortimer_Crosse was much languitude. | |
But at Pamleson_field was moste lamentation, | |
295 | The deitie gaue the battailes of his true equitie, |
Considering the title and true generation. | |
In Henries dayes the seuenth of famous memorie, | |
The Blackheath_fielde to the commons was pernicious, | |
Martin_Swarth and his adherents for all their pollicie, | |
300 | Was slaine and percuted with clamor languishous. |
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And Bladis that burned Yorke, was too impetuous, | |
But the iudgement of a traytor to him was adiect. | |
Thus was he rewarded for his acte iniurious, | |
With diuers other principals the which were suspect. | |
305 | But for conclusion to ende and define, |
Contributers and homagers, the which hath rebelled, | |
Almost all storyes saithe, the truthe to combine, | |
They were slain and subdued, or from their realmes expelled | |
As Ireland, Scotland or Fraunce when they medled | |
310 | Within this our region: and as for sedition |
Within realmes politike, it hath cleane compelled | |
The inuasion of aliants to their great submission. | |
When I had thus finished, I had thought to haue named | |
The blandishing Scorpions with discord most violate, | |
315 | The Bishops of Rome for my espirites confremed, |
But yet I refrained the stories most maculate, | |
Supplying to Anglia the Princesse prenominate, | |
Beseeching hir honor, by the way of protestation, | |
What ample thing more thee would haue determinate, | |
320 | And why thee commaunded me this declaration. |
Hir bounteous beneuolence made me thus replie, | |
A Holme , Holme , my seruaunt inseparable, | |
This same late commotion that was the cause why, | |
Wherfore I beseeche thee, their rising so variable | |
325 | To me to declare, with their causes detestable. |
I reconed to hir grace I durst not bring it to passe: | |
God will defend thee quod shee, for he is not variable, | |
For inuincible is veritie, so sayth Esdras . | |
The Insurrection. |
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Then briefly I declared how the olde Leuiathan | |
330 | Whispered with the Papistes, this region to deuide, |
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And they like true aduocates declared to euery man, | |
How Antechriste was borne, this rumor went ful wide, | |
For of Abbeys they said there might not one abide, | |
And churches and chappels they shall be oppressed, | |
335 | Fasting and prayer, and good workes are set a_side, |
And the sacraments shalbe naught, these words they expressed. | |
When this could not auaile, then properly they inuented | |
Friers, Pardoners to the people for to prate, | |
How burials and mariages they should be presented, | |
340 | With churchings and christenings to pay a noble rate. |
Plough nobles yeerely, they were clere determinate, | |
And Hen, Chicken, Goose, Capon, Pig and Cony, | |
They should not be eaten but with men of estate, | |
Nor yet no white bread without a summe of money. | |
345 | Also a perpetuitie of horsse and beast a grote, |
With a penie a sheepe: now these words fascinorous, | |
They moued the ignorant and debill wits God wote, | |
Thus persuaded by intisement and priests auaritious, | |
A Cobler pretended a title ambitious, | |
350 | In Lowth in Lincolnshire, and made insurrection, |
Some of worship was of counsel, but mo was contrarious | |
But as for the commons to arise had affection. | |
This noise and rumor redounded in Yorkeshire, | |
Then by appointment one Robert_Aske gentleman, | |
355 | Toke in hand for captaine to accomplishe their desire, |
Then Houldeine and Beuerlay to insurge they began, | |
They would with Holdernesse collected to them than, | |
Thus of a smal vnion was aggregate a more, | |
Many men of woorship to fortresses they ran, | |
360 | Some had their cattel taken, and their goods spoiled therfore. |
Then Hul made a brag, but anone it was yeelded, | |
Then Yorkshire in general, it was nigh collected, | |
Yorke receiued them for there they abode, and builded | |
Til the Countreis adiacent with the rumor wer infected, | |
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365 | And as I suppose they had letters directed, |
Wherby was raised all Richmondshire and Tindale, | |
The borders of Lancashire began to be suspected, | |
Bishoprike rose cleare, with Sedbare, Dent, and Kendale. | |
They spoiled and robbed those which were fugitiue, | |
370 | To the Abbeys suppressed the people they restaurate, |
Rudent incessantly with clamor excessiue, | |
Faith and common-weale, and in the way obuiate | |
They were with procession and ringing insaciate, | |
And the Sacrament Christes body called Eucharistia, | |
375 | Was borne by Prelates with the crucifixe associate, |
With pipes, Drums, Tabrets, and Fidlers alway. | |
A little beside Doncaster they came to Scanceby_leyes, | |
And furnished their battell, and set forth their vaward, | |
They were .xxv.M. of able mennes bodies, | |
380 | Well horssed and harnessed right puissant to regarde, |
The noble-men were surrepted, the truthe to awarde, | |
Of these Countreys predict from their purpose indeuided, | |
But toke vpon hand, and was not retrograde, | |
This handfull folowing excepted and forprised, | |
385 | The Earle of Northumberland, for he was diseased, |
The Earle of Westmerland, for he had the Podagree, | |
The Earle of Comberland the commons displeased, | |
Lying in Shipton castell with all their artillerie, | |
Like to his auncestors, his allegeance to fortefie, | |
390 | And the Lord Dacres at the rising so variable, |
Like an honorable man, his truthe to magnifie, | |
Went straite to the South, and there abode perdurable. | |
Sir Henrie_Sauil, sir Marmaduke_Constable, | |
Sir Brian_Hastings, sir John_Neuil, the king they assisted, | |
395 | Master Euers at Scarburgh to them was agreeable, |
With all his companions, and would faine haue resisted. | |
The Maire of Yorke wold, but the commons he mistrusted, | |
William_Maunsel also, and Knolles of Hull cleere, | |
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With the Archdecon of Duresme of the same part consisted, | |
400 | And flee from the Riotors did Leonard_Bequet Esquire. |
Doctor Stephens, phisitian to Th'erle of Northumberland, | |
And Ratclif had done wel, if Yorke had bene contented, | |
The Parson of Castlegate was of the same comnant, | |
And the Bishop of Duresme of the same parte consented: | |
405 | I know but another which ought to be presented, |
But which after spoyler to the commons did resorte: | |
Yet sir Thomas_Curwen earnestly inuented | |
With sir Thomas_Wharton to stay their counterporte. | |
Then with an ardent fury quod Anglia and frouned, | |
410 | Holme it is but fiction I say thou doste deuise, |
Shewedst thou not me that gentlemen and men that wer renoumed | |
Fled to Castles and fortresses, what made them then to rise? | |
And it like your grace quod I, bicause they wer not wise, | |
Yet diuers were compelde, for the Commons did them take, | |
415 | But mo were seduced with the Papistes deuise, |
Drinking the venome of Aspes which neuer can awake. | |
They noysed the Emperour with them was participate, | |
And the Bishop of Rome with the Scotish king commixed, | |
With them to commilitare they were clerely fundate, | |
420 | And Ireland and Wales of their parte was fixed, |
The Earle of Darby outlawed, and of their part mixed, | |
And the Duke of Norfolke euery cause accounted, | |
Al commoners commoned with the Earle Staffort enixed, | |
And as for they of Lincolnshire a great sum surmounted. | |
425 | But the duke of Suffolke with such a power inuaded |
Lincolnshire predict, that they had small esperaunce, | |
The lord Admiral and sir Anthony_Brown them persuaded | |
With Richard_Cromwell esquire there master of th'ordinance, | |
Their wepons and armor was lost by gods purueiance, | |
430 | They did I assure you behaue them-selues nobly, |
To requite the kings grace they had good perseuerance, | |
Pondering the preferment by his magnanimitie. | |
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This notwithstanding the commons besides Doncaster, | |
Ascribed a Carter to a King coequall in degree, | |
435 | With coshe Crommoke coshe, I would we had thee here, |
Like sauage beastes loosed and put to their libertie, | |
Enioying in the splendent after obscuritie, | |
Deuising and inuenting Articles presumptuous, | |
Euery-one discording from other verily, | |
440 | Two Gentlemen did open their quarel contentious. |
But one lanterne of Englande and patrone of defence, | |
A shield for vs Borials, and floure of audacitie, | |
The Duke of Norfolke with all his violence, | |
To the kings armie Royall to Doncaster came he, | |
445 | With the noble prince Pere of the kings consanguinitie, |
The Marques of Exeter nigh to the bloud Royall, | |
With the auncient Lord th'erle of Shrewesbury, | |
Whose truthe in decrepitie approueth the tryall. | |
Their veritie to their Prince my hart hath enrached, enrached] enrachened 1572 | |
450 | Like a woman rauished with the rase of loue esprised, |
And many nobles mo them-selues so well demeaned, | |
That of me their worthynesse it can not be deuised, | |
As Th'erle of Surrey with these Earles comprised, | |
That is to say, of Huntington and Rutlande also, | |
455 | With many other nobles which was there surmised, |
And as for Lords honorable there was many mo. | |
Thus lay they in Doncaster with Curtall and Serpentine, | |
With Bombard and Basilisk, with men prone and vigorous, | |
The Commons knew it not, to them it was cla[n]destine, | |
460 | That made them more malapart, and also more rigorous, |
For they sent home for money their harts was so furious, | |
Purposing openly at London to holde a Parliament, | |
But the king[s] herauld came to know their minds furious, kings] king 1572 | |
Viewing them twise or thrise with faire words and diligent. | |
465 | But ere the Battell was ready procincte and proponed, |
Sir Arthure_Darcy knight with the commons was segregate, | |
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And fled to the kings grace, and by the way commoned | |
With the duke of Norff. where promtly he promulgate | |
All the Commons priuitie, and I suppose effugate | |
470 | He was by the consent of his brother confiducion, |
For at the first rising sir George with letters ornate, | |
Aduertised all gentlemen to leaue that ill conclusion. | |
But when the duke of Norf. of the Barons had intelligence, | |
And so many knights and squires with the commons in defence | |
475 | It incrampished his hart that they should make pretence, |
Weying his fathers honor by their magnificence, | |
Their antique zeale and amitie he thought to recompence, | |
Bringing both the parts to a communication: | |
So diuers of the principals met with diligence, | |
480 | Concluding a purpose with good deliberation. |
So sir Rafe_Ellerker, and Robert_Bowes Esquire, | |
With the articles intitled went to the kings maiestie, | |
The battels both prorumped and went euery-where, | |
For the duke behight to interceede in their sedulitie | |
485 | In causes reasonable, but not in their cecitie, |
And so within a moneth according to promission, | |
An answere correspondent to their secularitie, | |
Was made by the kings grace to their whole petition. | |
The firste Article. |
|
To the first article, Fayth, the kings grace replied, | |
490 | It was a terme to general that which they did present, |
But if they meaned christes faith, he was the prince that certified, | |
That the sincere puritie therof was his intent, | |
And like a valiaunt prince he spake these words vrgent: | |
Who dare set his foote to ours the contrary to proue, | |
495 | And said he reckned learned he was what the faith ment, |
Marueling that the ignorant in this thing shold him moue. | |
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To the Article. |
|
To know which fayth was prudence, perceiuing we Christians | |
He hath herd of such heresies, as of the Seleucians | |
Of Sabelline and Neotus with the Patrispassians, | |
500 | The Origenistes, the Ebionites and the Donacianes, |
The Epicures, the Iacobites, with the Nestoriens, | |
Of Seuerus , of Menander , and eke of Valentine , | |
The Antropomorphites, and also the Spalmeniens, | |
The Ariens and Manacheis of Pallas and Scotine . | |
505 | Also of Marcio , Basillides , and Saturnius , |
Of Carpocrates , of Photyne , and of Macedonius , | |
Of Chiliastes , of Corinthius , and of Heluidius , | |
Of Eutiches , Galanus , and also Seleucius , | |
Of Eunonius , Elsesates , with many a secte mo, | |
510 | Of Montanus , of Apelles , and also Nouatus , |
And Samosatenses , and Appolinarius also, | |
With Antichrist the Romane the Idoll monstruous. | |
This is the groue image which the sinful world Manasses | |
Put in the congregation the house perpetuall, 4, Reg 22 | |
515 | This is the Idoll shepheard which Zachary doth expresse, Zacha. 10. |
And also the deuourer the false God Baall. Dan. 14. | |
An vnshamefull King with faces Daniell doth him call. Dan. 8. | |
This is the Iudge in earth in the xviij. of Luke expressed, Luc. 18. | |
For wee haue lost our Husband Chryst with his bloud royal | |
520 | And Sathan our enimie he is not yet oppressed. |
This is the childe of perdition prophesied of by Paule, | |
In our conscience sitting, Gods Temple verament, 2 Thes. 2. | |
The Apocalips fysgyg the whoore Babilonicall, Apoca. 18. | |
Of whom Prophets, and Apostles rehearseth words turgent Psal. 72. | |
525 | Nowe to this particle fayth, was it not expedient, |
They to haue recognised what fayth was their intention, | |
For besides Christs faith there reigneth faithes negligent, | |
As Turke, Iew, Pagane, with Mahomites inuention. | |
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As touching Christes faith sithence Christes incarnation, | |
530 | Neither Emperour nor king, nor prince of nobilitie, |
Was like to the kings grace, for in his conuocation | |
The Anabaptists and Pelagians confuted hath he, | |
And permitted shadowes positiue of olde antiquitie | |
For error of the people by a new altercation, | |
535 | And also shewed like Gods knight elect in fidelitie, |
Chrystes bloud and his death with the true iustification. | |
Of Fayth. |
|
But to the misbeleeuers I put this proposition, | |
By way of interrogatorie, if one of them should dye, | |
And know no refuge nor no propiciation, | |
540 | But in Mormet in fistill they should euer lye, |
And the prince they offended should fortune come them by, | |
And say, loue my friends, and forgiue as I will thee, | |
And when thou can not repent my sonne shal for thee die, | |
And doo but this to_day, and rewarded shalt thou bee, | |
545 | For to_morrow thy riches shal abounde like to Croesus , |
Thy force like Hercules, thy sapience like Salomon, | |
Thou shalt haue meates delicate far aboue Vitellus , | |
In fame like Alexander, thy fortune like Gedeon, | |
The luste of Augustus, the pulchritude of Absolon, | |
550 | The science of Aristotle and his Philosophie, |
As facunde in Rethorike as was king Amphion , | |
With the health of Galen , and age of Methusalie . | |
What man liuing considering this gratitude, | |
But for loue of this Prince, and feare of this miserie, | |
555 | And for hope of this ioy, but with his fortitude |
He would one day labour and suffer aduersitie, | |
And passe for no riches, nor yet of iocunditie, | |
Nor of no fortune dolorous, nor yet of no payne, | |
Nor of meate, drinke, ne cloth, ne no felicitie, | |
560 | But would fayne haue to_morrow this glory to obtayne. |
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Then may we consider Adams disobedience, | |
By whose transgression equitie hath giuen death eternal: Gene. 3. | |
And as for Moyses law it gathered more offence Rom. 5. | |
To the highe deitie and Plasmator potentiall, | |
565 | Tooke pitie and mercy to make his sonne carnall, Math. 1. Iohn . 1. |
And Sathanas hath loste him for all his temptation, Math. 4. | |
He hath pleased his father, and giuen life perpetuall Mark . 1. Math. 3. | |
By his true obedience, and made iustification. | |
He hath ouercome death and sin by his painful affliction, Rom. 5. | |
570 | And borne our iniquities vpon the crosse crucified, Esai. 53. |
And made vs reuiue by his resurrection: Math. 8. | |
And by him and by Baptime from sin we are mortified, Peter . 2. Iohn . 3. | |
And as he is, shall we in ioy bee glorified: Rom. 6. | |
So that we beleeue it without mutabilitie, | |
575 | For he is our Sauiour by all Prophets prophecied, Rom. 8. |
Therfore let vs trust him with hope and fidelitie. | |
For his payne and death he asketh our amitie, | |
To obserue his precepts his kindnesse to reuiue, | |
But for this life diurnall, which in equalitie | |
580 | To any parte sempiternall no man can contriue |
As a day of Methusalie or any life aliue, | |
And the furies infernall, and the ioyes celestiall, | |
Exceedeth mans brayne and nature to describe, | |
As things incomprehensible aboue things naturall. | |
585 | Now hauing this affirmitie of gladnesse and dolor, |
A man would worke for the glory or for the paine repent, | |
But to him that thinketh iustified he is by our Sauiour, | |
Baptised is he with the espirite omnipotent: Math 3. Mark . 1. Luke . 3. Iohn . 14. Actes. 1. | |
Which comforter by instinction deliuereth the talent, | |
590 | To some lesse or more with charitie inflated, |
To loue God and his neighbor in spite of the Serpent, | |
From the ground of his hert, and his sinnes shall be abated. | |
And if the flesh rebell seuen times on a day, | |
Yet by fayth and hope he shall be tutelate | |
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595 | Agayne to reuiue and his sinne done away, |
With perfect charitie in his harte condurate: | |
This confessed maketh the law and him coadunate, | |
With grounded repentaunce to walke of a_new, | |
And when he doth not, Chrystes fayth is vacillate, | |
600 | And he must turne agayne to make his charter new. |
But this fayth hath no man but by inspiration, | |
Though they can speake Ebrue, Greke, Latin or Caldie, | |
For they are borne of God, and elect in creation, Iohn . 1. | |
And trust not to their works like to a Pharisie, | |
605 | But inward from their hearts they worke them of dutie, Timoth. 2. |
So that Scripture command them by gods diuine testament: | |
For by christ commeth their fauor, their truth and their verity, Iohn . 1. | |
And the house is built in vayne without God consent. Psal. 126. | |
And Chryst for his brethren in baptisme regenerate, | |
610 | Gods sonnes by adoption doth euer make attonement, |
As though they be damned by their ill works operate, | |
As well as for Adam, as ofte as they repente, | |
And one may get heauen to fulfil euery commandement: Rom. 2. | |
But nature can not that without Gods coaction: | |
615 | For Adam for an apple was damned by the Serpent, Gen. 3. |
And neuer was able to make satisfaction. | |
For the man Microcosinus the which was wounded sore | |
With the theeues disobedience and incredulitie, Luke . 10. | |
The Priest nor the Leuite would not him restore, | |
620 | But Gods sonne the Samaritane Chryst full of pitie, |
With wine and oyle annoynted his maladie, | |
And caste him on his horse, and had him to his stable, | |
And gaue two pence to the keeper to see his enormitie, | |
And payed the sum total to heale his wounds miserable. | |
625 | But our Prelates beleeueth that vice naturally, |
Destroyed the body by Aristotles lore, | |
And that vertue by Zeno and mo in Philosophie, | |
Giueth quietnesse of minde, and the body doth restore, | |
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But for life euerlasting they doo not looke therfore, | |
630 | And though they ascribe the soule intellectiue |
Or immortall, yet they thinke it flyeth euermore, | |
But mo thinke like beasts our soules be but sensatiue. | |
But thinke yee that Plato or the Philosophers olde, | |
Would haue iudged Adam and his posteritie | |
635 | To be damned by an element either hote or colde, |
Or by nature working by moysture or deciccitie: | |
Or the sacrifice of a beast should giue fertilitie, | |
And make attonement where there was offence? | |
Oh here the blinde Balaams may euidently see, | |
640 | Howe loue asketh loue with perfecte obedience. |
Now he that worketh good works shall be saued, | |
And he that trusteth in his works shall be damned, | |
And that worketh not good works shall be damned, | |
And he that dyeth in ill works shall be damned, | |
645 | He that dispaireth for his works shall be damned, |
And that thinketh he sinneth not shall be damned: | |
For Chryst came not for the righteous deliuerance, | |
But for to call sinners to perfecte repentance. Luke 5. Mark . 9. | |
The seconde Article. |
|
Now to the seconde article, to their proposition | |
650 | To answere sayd the king, it needeth a distinction, |
But if we knew (quod his grace) of what Church ye ment | |
We doubt not a response to your incitament: | |
But meane what Church ye will by your improbitie, | |
And we wil proue therein we haue nought institute, | |
655 | But Gods law and mans for all your procacitie, |
With more ground than our auncesters before haue execute. | |
He shewed them Edward the first, with the .v. and .vj. Henry, | |
His noble auncesters of famous memorie, | |
To their owne vse subuerted of Abbeys a multitude, | |
660 | Some a hundred some mo, then accounted no turpitude, |
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In like wise his grandmother, ten bishops with the Cardinal, | |
Then maruelled he that rather they had a knaue or twain, | |
To lead a prophane life, than be their Prince naturall, | |
To enioy them from forenners, his charges to sustaine. | |
To the Article Churche. |
|
665 | It was reason to know their purpose effrenate, |
Whether they meaned Christes churche the christen congregation | |
Or the Lapidous sinagoge procript and relegate, | |
The great citie I suppose of the whore of Babilon: Apoc. 18. | |
For Christ of the true Church he is the corner-stone, | |
670 | The which the edifiers and builders refused, Rom. 9 1.Peter . 2. Esay. 28 |
But alasse for pitie, his church is almost gone, | |
These Antechristes with faces them-selfe haue so abused. Dan. 8. | |
For Paule saithe that we are the temple sanctificate, 1. Corin. 6 | |
and Cephas, Iohn, and Iames, seemed pillers for to be, Galath. 2 | |
675 | Peter and Paule, tabernacles them-selfe do nominate, 2. Peter . 1 2. Corin. 5 |
And Christ to the Samaritane saide, woman trust me, | |
The time is and shall, that in espirite and veritie | |
The true honorers shal honor, but not in the mountaine, Iohn . 4. | |
Nor yet in Ierusalem, for my father verily | |
680 | Is a spirite, and requireth suche honor for certaine. |
They confesse and denie not that the christen congregation | |
Is a Church espiritual, but they Iacob signified, Gene. 28 Exod. 25 | |
The other Church moral, pouring out of the stone, 3. Reg. 6. | |
And after the Tabernacle the temple was edified, | |
685 | And Christ saide, the temple, the golde sanctified, Math. 23 |
And my house shal be called the house of oration, Hiere. 7 Esay. 55 | |
Where he whipped them in the temple, these wordes he specified Iohn 2 Math. 21 | |
And a place for to worke in it needeth to saluation. | |
But I say the stone, tabernacle and temple that stoode, | |
690 | Was figures of Christe, for by disobedience |
Of Adam, the earth was maledict of God. | |
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Wherfore God and his word, with mans true diligence, | |
Sanctified those things to giue God reuerence Psalm. 32 | |
But now all creatures are blessed and dedicate, | |
695 | By Gods word and his prayer by Christes due obedience, 1. Timo. 4 |
And worthely restored to their first estate. | |
Nowe where Christe saide the temple the golde sanctified, | |
And that my house shall be called the house of oration, Iohn 2 Hiere. 7 | |
At that time these shadowes might wel be specified, | |
700 | For they were not ful defined to his mortification. |
But where he whipt the sellers for their il ornation, Iohn . 2 | |
It was not only for their indecent actes onerous, | |
But signified our prelates with the whips of damnation, | |
For selling Christes sheepe, and his doues most amorous. | |
705 | And least the elect shuld haue iudged the thing permanent, |
Marke the prompt purueiance of the diuine deitie: | |
For the Iewes asked a signe for to proue him negligent. Iohn . 2 | |
Destroy this temple quod he, and within dayes three | |
I shal build it againe, and Iohn saith verely, | |
710 | He meaned of his body the temple omnipotent, |
Thus to the Iewes parables he spake in obscuritie, | |
But to his disciples he shewed the truth indigent. Math. 13 | |
The Apostles remembred after the resurrection, | |
What Iesus_Christe saide, and vnderstoode the scripture, Iohn . 2 | |
715 | And the temple vaile roue at his death and passion: Mark . 15 |
Which signified by similitude, the temple lost his cure. | |
Saint Steuen, and S. Paule this thing doe discure, Act. 7 Act. 17 | |
Saying of a suretie, who wil vnderstand, | |
That the highest of all dwelleth not, I make you sure, | |
720 | In no temple nor mansion made with mans hand. |
Moreouer Saint Steuen toke scripture to recorde, | |
The Prophet saith heauen is my seat, and earth is my fote-stole Esay. 66 | |
Then what house wil ye build for me saith the lord, | |
Or what place shal I rest in, to make my propre soile? | |
725 | Hath not my hands made all this by my ministration? |
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Meaning who can edifie a better thing than I, | |
And all things I sanctified in the inchoation, | |
And the earth curssed for Adam, for Christ do I sanctifie. | |
To these woordes predict Esay the Prophet, Esay. 66 | |
730 | He saith to what thing should I regard too than, |
But only to the pure, simple, contrite espirite, | |
And the fearer of my woords, meaning by a man, | |
And sacrifice he dispraiseth, in as odious wayes as he can, Esay. 1 | |
So doth Dauid also with the outward operation, | |
735 | Accepting a faithful, humble, contrite man, |
And nother stone ne place, ne foren demonstration. | |
Iesus commaunded to make our supplication, | |
In our conclaue priuely, and to shut fast the doore, Math. 6 | |
And Paule int[i]mate his messe and his iteracion, intimate] intmate 1572 | |
740 | In a chamber where the yong man fel in the flore. |
Whome to life he reuiued after his fal and pressure, Act. 20 | |
And two yeares in his lodging he made his predication, | |
Without superaltare I dare make you sure, Act. 28 | |
Thus saide he his messe with a heauenly incantation. | |
745 | To the Hebrues we may see the things ceremonial, |
Are extinct and expired, and cleerely abrogate Heb. 9 Heb. 10 | |
By Christ our sauioure, and if they were moral, | |
Fructuous abundance commeth by their workes operate, Deut. 5 Exod. 20 | |
But life euerlasting that is by Christe preparate, | |
750 | And we are sonnes to Abraham, and his heirs naturall, Galath. 3 |
By faith and fidelitie, but not of fleshe carnate, | |
And in likewise Gods temple, and one body mistical. 1. Corin. 12 | |
Yet this notwithstanding it is conuenient, | |
To haue places appointed by lawes positiue, | |
755 | Where the congregation may meete indifferent, |
To receiue Christes sacraments, their faith to reuiue, | |
And to pray in Communion with harts intentiue, | |
And to heare Christes woords and true Euangelion. | |
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So men in their hearts could faithfully discriue | |
760 | Euery place, as necessary as it for saluation. |
Of Religion. |
|
Now touching the Abbots to liue with paine solitarie. | |
It is a morall vertue, for so did Elizeus, | |
Elias and Iohn, and sithens Christes mortalitie, | |
Diuers Monks and women haue led a life vertuous, | |
765 | Bothe togither confecte, so sayth Eusebius , |
In likewise did Ephraim , Macarie , and Martine , | |
And also Sainte Ierome and Hellodorus , | |
Liuing in pouertie like to Christes discipline. | |
These with perfite loue and with a pure deuotion, | |
770 | Knowing that by Christ they were iustified and redeemed, |
They kept them-selfe solitarie vpon their owne meere motion | |
By no mannes coaction, but freely vnconstrained. | |
They passed of no liuing, nor yet the world esteemed, | |
But solde that they had, and tooke wilful pouertie, | |
775 | Thus liuing sole alone, therby they rather deemed |
To followe Christes crosse with all their simplicitie. | |
They watched and abstained when that the flesh rebelled, | |
To mortifie themselues to keepe perfect chastitie, | |
Many vertues voluntarie they wrought vncompelled, | |
780 | As prayer with the minde, but not with lippes only. Math. 15 Esay. 29 |
Louing one God in their communion busily, | |
The profession of baptisme, was their whole intention, | |
They passed of no belles, no senser nor ceremonie, Galath. 4 | |
But to kepe gods commaundements, that was their inuention. E[x]od. Exod] Ezod 1572 20 Exod] Ezod 1572 | |
785 | They liued by works industrious as did the Apostle Paul |
And I suppose sectante to his fibralitie, | |
Was better than theirs and more beneficiall, | |
For many were conuerted by suche publike libertie. | |
For to be made a gasing-stocke, he thought no inanitie, | |
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790 | Yet the lawes of God in him was irrefragable, |
He liued chaste and sobre alwayes in mendacitie, | |
For where God inspireth, man is not culpable. | |
There followed after Palla and Marcill , | |
Eustochin and other with contemplation, | |
795 | Then Gregorie , and Montane began an-other spell, |
So did Benet make Religion after an-other fashion, | |
Putting in olde Vessels new wine of delectation, | |
And patched a newe clout to a broken garment olde, Math. 9. Luc. 5. | |
Professing this and that, by a newe altercation, | |
800 | Thus mark with a hote yron their conscience needs they wold. 1. Timo 4. |
But Sainct Bernard reformed those little abusions, | |
After that Frauncis Norberius and Dominick come to, | |
And of them is come Sectes with diuers yll conclusions, | |
As Collectes and Mynors, and Obseruaunts also, | |
805 | With a monstrous multitude of Frier beggers moe, |
Professing Coule and Cap, with things of ociositie, | |
Not trusting Christ, a meane sufficient in woe, | |
But mixeth him with others for their opportunitie. | |
But nowe Religion is a vile abomination, | |
810 | For Peters name was Cephas which is a very stone, |
And we are liuing stones, by Peters declaration, | |
And Christ is the head Capitall, and other head is none, | |
But they haue this reuersed and lefte this Church alone, | |
And haue gotten a newe God, euen Daniels desolation, Dani. 9. Dani. 12. | |
815 | And haue set vp Cragges coopert with houses many one, |
To cloke their deedes libidinous and incest fornication. | |
They incline with their heades to figure humilitie, | |
With garments dysguised as the Pharisies dyd before, Nume 15. | |
But alasse, they lack their pricks to put them in memorie, | |
820 | And the precepts described in their garments euermore, Nume. 15. |
But Tunica inconsutilis , that is not in their lore, | |
Thereat muse I much in their actes scrupulous, | |
But tushe it were to colde, it is abiect therfore, | |
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And they neede mediatours moe than Christ_Iesus. | |
825 | They mumble with their lippes, with rich Copes and kels, |
And chaunting with their chastes lyke Owles in a frost, | |
They duck and they sence, and they trumpe vp their Bels | |
And sprynkle water fast, but the red Cowe is lost, Nume. 18. | |
Candles are illuminate and set on euery post, | |
830 | Before a gorgious Idol freshe figured and gylt, |
And though it maye be suffered, yet thereby hath ben lost | |
Many a Christian man, and many a soule spylt. | |
Of Images and Religion. |
|
But let vs leaue things leeful, and keepe things expediente, 1. Cor. 6. | |
For I may eat, drynk, and sleep, but it profiteth not my soule, | |
835 | But in my coniecture that is not expediente, |
The which may prouoke to a thing preiudiciall, | |
And questionlesse the first commaundement is morall, | |
Although there were Cherubyns in the temple edified, 3. Reg. 6. | |
It was but a shadow, and these things ceremoniall, | |
840 | By Chryst were replete before he was gloryfied. |
And in case one commaunded their Pastors to refrayne | |
From putting in of Catell in his great close seuerall, | |
And afterward commaunded they shoulde put in twayne, | |
Which after he repelled, then by their myndes actuall, | |
845 | They should eate vp the close against their accomptall, |
But might he say then he being discontent, | |
Bycause he put in twain, they thought it iudicial? | |
To this resembleth the aforesayd argument. | |
Yet Images no doubt they might be permanent, | |
850 | If they were vsed according to the kings conuocation, |
But that will not be, men are so negligent, | |
For one shewed me of two Roods besides the Friers habitation | |
In Greenwitch, which wold sweat for equal ministration, | |
S. William of york (quod an-other) wil sweat with abundance | |
855 | To keepe House_bridge from flouds, now this abomination |
sig: E2 | |
Our Prelates say, is scripture and Gods diuine purueyance. | |
So the Iewes when they honored Astroloch and Baall, | |
With the groue Images and Gods of gentilitie, | |
I thinke they beleeue they had a God Iudaicall, | |
860 | But yet they suffered other to get more fertilitie, |
Then may it be sayde, sure they forsooke him truely, | |
To myx him with the Starres in the skye stelliferall, | |
And other Gods being bound to serue him only, | |
Nowe as they dyd do we, with our sence allegoricall. Esay. Math. 7. | |
865 | The ceremonies of Religion are a hundred and moe, |
As breade, and ashes, and Organs verily, | |
With Te Deum laudamus Simbalis et organo, | |
But Dauid meaned to loue God in euery iocunditie, | |
I maruell they daunce not as he did properly, | |
870 | For the dumb dogs haue lost Gods Organs most diligent, |
Suffring Wolues to deuoure his Sheep with rapacitie, | |
For defaulte of declaring the truthe of his Testament. | |
For dame Nice and dame Wanton, they set in the quire, | |
Cheeping lyke a Gosling, and loking one Sir Iohn, | |
875 | They had rather than fiue-pence to haue him elsewhere, |
If one aske how I knowe it, I will ground on this stone, | |
They are fat, and fayre of flesh bloud and bone, | |
And haue not receyued the spirit of veritie, | |
And seing they be carnall, I maye iudge them euery one, | |
880 | To be fraile and incontinent with fleshly lubricitie, |
None entreth to religion with any true deuotion, | |
For the most part be infantes, and put in by coaction, | |
And none of freewill, except for promotion, | |
Or else for dispaire to do satisfaction, | |
885 | And some for very slouth to do no worldly action, |
Professing obedience, pouertie and chastitie, | |
To which three assentialls they make their contraction, | |
And to many trifles moe the which is but vanitie. | |
And as for their pouertie, ther is neither Knight nor Lord, | |
sig: [E2v] | |
890 | Earle, Marques, nor Duke like them in abundaunce: |
And as for their obedience, al men can recorde, | |
They are high Rebellions against true allegiance, | |
Hauing both their King and their God at defiance: | |
And as for their chastitie the visitours knoweth wel, | |
895 | For Sodome and Gomor had neuer such ordinance, Gene. 18. |
Their polution and wayes, I ashame for to tell. | |
Nowe beleeuing in workes is dispaire and carnalitie, | |
Their vowes are like Iewes vowes, therefore they be vacuate: | |
For here is Christ, or ther is Christ, and hope not in him only | |
900 | Is lyke to the deuils faith from hope cleerely seperate: |
Therefore they may marrie and leaue their fond estate, | |
Bicause they were ignorant and make reuocation, | |
For smal auaileth baptym though they be regenerate, | |
Where-after they dispaire in Christes iustification. | |
The iij. and iiij. Article. |
|
905 | Nowe to the iij. and iiij. Articles, Laws and common-weale, |
Was replyed this xxviij. yeare, we being a King, | |
We thinke in those things our wit should more excell, | |
Than in our adolescence, or yet our beginning: | |
And he reckned his constant subiects for al their contriuing | |
910 | Would account and repute and describe none other wayes, |
And what should they redargue, nought but commons being, | |
Which knewe not the vsage concerning friendly affaires. | |
To this and of the iij. Estates of the Church. |
|
Nowe to the ryght of this request contumelious, | |
And hath not the King condemned mortuaries, | |
915 | And prouing of Testaments which was ryght tortuous, |
With the abusion of tot_quots and pluralities, | |
sig: E3 | |
And the fermholdes of Prelates and their yll qualities, | |
With Hariots and much to vs right odible: | |
As the warwolfe of Rome deuouring thesaurizes | |
920 | Of region and soule to vs ryght odible? |
For I would it were noted, that euery other sect | |
Not being vnder grace, comprehendeth one estate, | |
And we that are Christned Gods children elect, | |
Comprehend an holy Priesthoode and a Church dedicate, 1. Peter . 2 | |
925 | Which in three estates hath long time been nominate, |
First the spiritualtie, and then the temporaltie, | |
The third the Commons, which in my consent, | |
The vsing thereof hath caused much heresie. | |
For all are spirituall in baptim regenerate, | |
930 | And Gods sonnes by adoption to a newe reuocation, |
Beleeuing in Christ, and repenting their estate, | |
They be brethren coequall of one generation, | |
Though there be diuersitie in the mynistration: | |
And I suppose verely this Church called mylitant, | |
935 | May be signified lyke the heauenly habitation, |
With orders nyne a very Church triumphant. | |
These orders notwithstanding may well proceede of three | |
Euen as it doth of Hierarchies celestiall, | |
And in lykewyse we maye resemble the Trinitie, | |
940 | Three estates vndeuided and one deitie at all: |
For we are one body and Chryst the head capitall, Rom. 12. Ephe. 4. | |
Therefore I think in myne imagination, | |
It were well doone we all were called spirituall, | |
By names thus folowing by this protestation, | |
945 | The spiritualtie of the eternall ministration, |
The spiritualtie of the temporal Iustification, | |
The spiritualtie of the mundane occupation, | |
Nowe these men are one, but not their operation: | |
For thinke yee that Moses was not as good as Aaron, | |
950 | And was not Dauid, and Iob and Iudith ryght vertuous? Reg. Iob. Iud. |
sig: [E3v] | |
And Nadab and Abihu of yll conuersation, Leuit. 10. | |
And many moe than they with deedes supersticious. | |
It is not Frauncis gyrdle nor Aarons myter hye, | |
Nor yet sir Iohns crowne, nor gentle sir Thomas typpet, | |
955 | That maketh a more vertue, nor yet a greater degree, |
But blessed are the hearers of Gods word which is kepte, | |
Yet if an yl man may minister heauenly ministration, | |
The influence should be good, it appeereth very well, | |
Though an yl tree beare no good fruite of his own operation | |
960 | Yet of the tree it is grafted, me-think this fruite shuld smell. |
These should followe Chryst with al their simplicitie, | |
To mortifie themselues as nyghe as nature can, | |
With pouertie, with payne, and in humilitie, | |
Without ypocrysie to giue lyght to euery man, | |
965 | Their vertues should resplendysh, as doth the bright Titan |
To gloryfie their father which is celestiall, Math. 5. | |
They should be salt to season, to subdue Leuiathan, | |
And abstaine from sinnes, and passe of nothing carnall. | |
They be free to wed or not, it is at their libertie, 1. Cor. 9 | |
970 | If eyther were commaunded, the other were inhibite, |
Howbeit, it were well to followe Christ in chastitie, 1. Cor. 7. | |
For Iesus sayth himselfe, who as may let him take it, Math 14. | |
But it is better wed than burne, so saith the apostle Paule, | |
It is leefull he sayth both to Titus and Timothie, 1. T[i]mo Timo] Tmo 1572 3. Titus 1 Timo] Tmo 1572 | |
975 | And he sayth that Peter and the Lordes brethern all, |
Led Sisters to wiues without ambiguitie. [1] Cor. 1] 1572 omits 9. 1] 1572 omits | |
In this chapter Paul sheweth great libertie, | |
They that sowe things spiritual, should reape things carnall, 1. Cor. 9. | |
And that as mynisters vsed of olde antiquitie, | |
980 | So should they haue for preaching the truth Euangelical, |
But yet in his Epistles this is the summe totall, | |
The workeman his meate and reward should be deuised, [1] Cor. 1] 1572 omits 7. 1] 1572 omits | |
And so sayth Chryst him-selfe, wherein concludeth Paule, Math. 10. | |
That they ought with meate and clothes to be suffised. | |
sig: [E4] | |
985 | These should preach with true predication, |
How that disobedience hath giuen death and damnation, Gen. 3. Rom. 5. | |
And how the law was giuen to know to reconcile agayn, | |
Whose works wrought outward is litle more than vain Gala. 3. Rom. 10. | |
For therby commeth abundance and copious fertilitie, | |
990 | But inward from the hart that giueth life eternall, E[x]o Exo] Ezo 1572 20. Luc. 16. Exo] Ezo 1572 |
But if one once thinke agaynst it by Gods true equitie, | |
There is death and condemnation vnto the paines infernal. Rom. 7. Gala. 3. Deu. 27. Math. 5. Luc. 20. | |
And after these things timorous they shuld preach repentance | |
And remission of sins by our sauiour christs diligence | |
995 | As a lambe vndefiled he hath made deliueraunce, |
And made our attonement by his true obedience, | |
His death hath slayne death and al the Diuels pretence: | |
To them that beleeueth it and made iustification, | |
After they be baptised they haue for their defence | |
1000 | The gift of the holy-ghost to keepe them to saluation. |
Now who beleeueth not this with this key is bound, | |
That it can not be dissolued with the Roman Acheron , | |
Nor with all his children liuing on the grounde, | |
As Aletho , Megera , nor yet Tesiphone , | |
1005 | Nor by his owne works, nor no mans optation, |
But beleeuing this truth the other key dissolueth, | |
For on this stone is builded the Christen congregation, | |
Which the edifiers must build on, or els it nought profiteth. 1. Cor. 3. | |
Thou art Chryst quod Peter, the son of the liuing God, | |
1010 | Here Peter confesseth al, not knowing it no fayle Math. 16. |
Of him-selfe, for he spake it not of fleshe and bloud, | |
And agaynst this Rocke hell-gates nor sin can preuayle, | |
Christ promised the keys of knowledge bicause the wits are frail: | |
In the same chapter to declare it Christ began, Math. 16 | |
1015 | I must dye and ryse (quod he) to Peter let his tale, |
Spare thy-self master he said, thou offendest me quod christ sathan , | |
Thou smellest worldly things (quod he) but not things celestial. Math. 16. | |
Here is to be noted that Peter reckned playne, | |
sig: [E4v] | |
That he was Messias or a Sauiour temporall, | |
1020 | Therefore Chryst behight the Keyes the truth to certaine. |
In the eyghteene of Mathewe he sheweth more agayne, Math. 18 | |
For bynding of Heresies vnto the apostles al, | |
In Iohn we may see the Keyes they did obtayne, Ioh. 20. | |
To lose and bynde sinnes and that with power coequall. | |
1025 | Chryst commaunded saith Luke before his ascention, Luc. 16. |
The apostles to go to the world vniuersall, | |
To preach his tydings glad and true Euangelion, | |
And who is baptised and beleeueth it, they shalbe saued all. | |
Nowe this key loseth from all sinnes in generall: | |
1030 | And who beleeueth it not, damned shall he bee, |
Now this key bindeth, and Chryst in especiall, | |
Of fayth wrought the miracles in his humanitie. | |
In Hierusalem the Apostles by inspyration, | |
Were inflamed by instinction of the holy-ghost, Act. 2. | |
1035 | And receyued newe tongs, with the declaration |
Equally deuided as wel to least as most, | |
In the xv. of the Actes , there Iames he ruled the rost, Act 15. | |
And Paule checked Peter this appeereth verament: Gala. 2. | |
I marueile why then of Peter that they bost, | |
1040 | For their power and their deedes were all equipolent, |
Euery Apostle, Priest, Deacon, and Senior, | |
In his See or personage or his habitation, | |
Should after twice monishing call euery Lepor, | |
Denying Gods lawes before the congregation, | |
1045 | And if he repent not then is their ministration, |
To expulse him as an erronious Publican, | |
And giue him to the Deuill by excommunication, 1. Cor. 5. | |
As was Himeneus and Alexander and the Corinthian. 1. Timo. 1. | |
But when he beleeueth with perfect repentance, | |
1050 | They must edifie and not destroye, and absolue him againe, 2. Cor. 13. |
And it be seuenti times vij. times thei must make deliuerance Math. 18. | |
But for close sinnes confession it sinketh not in my brayne | |
sig: F1 | |
In the eare so particuler for to be had so playne, | |
As to shew quo, vbi, quomodo, quando, 2. Reg. 12. | |
1055 | For Dauid sayde to God peccaui for certayne |
And confitebor tibi in toto corde meo. | |
As concerning confession particuler, | |
There is no priuate Scripture, nor yet auriculer, | |
Except the veterous antique shadowe olde, | |
1060 | Of the scape-Gote with the sinnes vpon hir horne inrold: Leuit. 16. |
But by sainct Iohn_Baptist, and Scripture much more, | |
Generall confession that is euident, Math. 3. | |
So should our Prelates by their office euermore | |
Giue absolution vnto the men penitent, | |
1065 | And minister the Sacraments with good reformation, |
To eschue from sinnes, and to liue in amitie, | |
To loue God and their neighbors, and in their predication | |
Declare how the lawe is grounded on charitie, Gala. 5. 1. Iohn . 3. | |
And as they remit others, forgiuen shall they bee, Iacob . 2. Math. 6. | |
1070 | Instructing from debate, rancor and detraction, |
And if this auayle not, then belongeth it properly | |
To the power of iustice to correct by coaction. | |
Here may wee fetche the temporall iustification, | |
By the father commaunded to Noe to do equitie, Gene. 9. | |
1075 | As death to haue death, and for reformation |
Iuda would haue brent Thamar for incontinence, Gene. 28. | |
And Moyses had lawes for debts and for felonie, | |
For lecherie and murther, and things mo a multitude, Exod 21. Exod 22. | |
And after Iudges kings had the same authoritie, | |
1080 | For punishment of sinnes with the outwarde turpitude. 1. Reg 10. |
Some happily wil say this power was abrogate, | |
I confesse it and deny not, vnto a man righteous | |
There is no lawe giuen, but for sinners intoxicate: | |
But inasmuch as the tares wold destroy the corne fructuous | |
1085 | And many be called and few chosen, this power must be prosperous, |
To correct al tyrannie by a brotherly zeale, | |
sig: [F1v] | |
And there is no man liuing so perfect and vertuous, | |
But the olde Adam in his flesh sometime he will feele. | |
Though the gospel know no lawes, but groundeth on charitie, | |
1090 | Yet we may take in hande for the disobediente, |
Which wil not reconcile them by humilitie, | |
To complayne to the iudge to make them to be shente, | |
And he to the Minister to giue the prefermente, | |
To put them irremediable into captiuitie | |
1095 | Till they haue payed the last farthing, this i[s] not tegent, is] in 1572 |
But permitted by Chryst in Mathew we may see. Math. 6. | |
Who layeth hand on the sword (quod Christ vnto Peter) | |
Shall perish with the same, and for the theeues crucified | |
He gaue no rebuke, and he sayd to the Minister, Math. 26. | |
1100 | If I haue saide ill, recorde ill, these words he specified, Iohn . 18. |
To the Centurion souldiors was nothing notified, | |
Yet Chryst praysed his fayth and humble submission. Math. 8. | |
Saint [Luke] to the souldiers these words modefied, Luke] Iohn 1572 | |
Be content with your wages, and worke no oppression. Luk. 3 | |
1105 | Thus it foloweth these men should be as vertuous, |
As the other power should but for ministration, | |
By a brotherly zeale to correcte things tedious, | |
As murther, rape, theft, felonie or treason, | |
Sin, incest, adulterie, stuprum, and fornication, | |
1110 | Extortion, oppression, simony, and vsury, |
And euery detestable outwarde abhomination, | |
As disceite, periurie, buggerie and Sodomie. | |
The third office, the mundayne occupation, | |
Was commaunded to Adam in Genesis we may see, Gene. 3. | |
1115 | And by the holy-ghost and his inspiration |
The influence thereof hath muche diuersitie | |
For the profite of man and his vtilitie, | |
And in Moyses law commaunded was the same, | |
And Chryst of his goodnesse and benignitie, | |
1120 | This office and power did not correct ne blame. |
sig: F2 | |
He commaunded not to care for meate drinke and cloth, Math 6. Luk 12. Psal. 4. 1. Pet. 3. | |
As who say, our minds on such things should not be, | |
But to prouide it and haue it he hath confirmed both, | |
For he vsed it him-selfe in his cathedralitie. | |
1125 | Paule sayth, worse than an Infidell in cenositie |
Is he which will not for his housholde prouide, 1. Timo. 5. | |
Peter and Paule to seruaunts for industrie, | |
Commaunded to obey their maisters for their guide. 1 Pet. 2. Ephe 6. Col. 3. Titu 2. | |
Muche Scripture recordeth this office not prophane, | |
1130 | If they be wrought in fayth they be good works no doubt, |
These shuld be always operous mens nedes to sustaine, | |
And not imprompt, but assiduous their works to bring about | |
As to delue, to dike, to spin, to grinde or boulte, | |
For their housholde charges and their reparation, | |
1135 | Be it Tinker or Cobler which setteth but on a clout, |
They may worke when they nede, and hinder no saluation. | |
For necessitie Paule wrought and made diuers tentes, Acts. 18. | |
And for error of the weake as I suppose and gesse. | |
But our Prelates should not so, hauing leefull stipends, | |
1140 | For feare of filthy lucre, and hindring their office, |
Artificers and laborers should worke this businesse, | |
And Iusticiers do iustice with all their might and puissance. | |
Here the hande and the foote can not well expresse, | |
Nor the foote to the loynes, I neede not thy assistance. | |
1145 | This churche or body muste haue a head generall, |
Which is Chryst God and man, our Lorde essentiall, | |
And his generall minister for gracious influence | |
Is the holy-ghost promised by his magnificence, | |
And I am with you sayd he vnto the worlds ende, Math. 28. | |
1150 | That is, with vs say the prelates, for his churche can not erre: |
That is not so say I, marry God defende, | |
For of all creatures there is no men werre. | |
Was the holy-Ghost in him that deceiued Celestinus , | |
With a trumpe in his eare, and so got the Papasie? | |
sig: [F2v] | |
1155 | Or with him that tooke out of his graue Formosus , |
And dight him in a chayre in his pontificalitie, | |
And stroke of his head to reuenge his olde iniurie, | |
And one depriued another without any fayle, | |
And made him ride to Rome to his incommoditie, | |
1160 | With his face reuersed spectant to the tayle. |
One bequest him-selfe long life by the spirit of prophesie, | |
And soone after brake his necke without incolumitie, | |
And through discorde in seuen yeres there were puppets nyne | |
And one through strife put out anothers eyne: | |
1165 | And Semachus, and Laurence, and many mo did come |
To the Romane See with great abhomination, | |
And fortie mo then these in Catholico pontificum , | |
Their deedes are not described for their great detestation. | |
Three at once was a trifle for the roume to compare, | |
1170 | Or with the Arians opinion Liberius infecte, |
Their vice in ten volumes one can not well declare, | |
As Ioane_English, a woman their puppet elect, | |
Which trauelled in procession, which is an ill respecte, | |
That the holy-Ghost with them shuld gouerne and domine, | |
1175 | For let their deedes be wayed vnto a true effecte, |
And by al gracious vertue their works hath lost the signe. | |
I maruell by what signes they do thus inherite, | |
By three crownes, or by crosses, or pillers principall, | |
Or orders deuised should thus haue the espirite, | |
1180 | Or Myters, Crochet or Crownes, or hattes Cardinall, |
With tippets or rochets, or garments Pharisaicall: | |
Chryst vsed not this, nor his Apostles deare, | |
But were prudent as Serpents, and simple as doues all, | |
With pouertie and payne to make their fayth appeare. | |
1185 | They spake with new tongs without humane instruction, Actes. 2. |
Some reuiued the dead and maladies mortiferous, Actes. 24. | |
To palpe Serpents ne venime to them was destruction: | |
Some Disciples prophesied with many signes vertuous, | |
sig: F3 | |
And said not master, master, and vsed things sumptuous, | |
1190 | For when Christ said, I am with you vnto the worlds end |
That was with you, and with such elect to faith prosperous, | |
My grace by instinction wil I euer send. | |
Of the supreme head of the Church in earth. |
|
Now to punishe, not proceeding vpon the holy-Ghost, | |
Within realmes politike there must be heads capital, | |
1195 | And to commaund those things to be done to the vttermost, |
With all humane businesse and iustice terrestial. | |
Our prelates shuld not their works shuld seeme temporal | |
Christes kingdom was not heere, then who shuld haue the power | |
But the owners of the soiles to keepe truth legal | |
1200 | Be he Marques or Duke, Prince, king, or Emperor? |
All power in heauen and earth quod Christ is giuen to me, Math. 18 | |
Our prelates can chalenge by this no domination, | |
For they must follow Chryst in his humilitie, | |
And not in the power of his glorification, | |
1205 | Who would be maister, must serue to do ministration, Math. 10 |
And the disciple aboue his master should not bee, | |
It is inough to be equall by Chrystes declaration, | |
Now our Prelats by this shuld haue no gret souerainty, | |
When Chryst sayd all power, that is to vnderstande, Math. 28. | |
1210 | Both kings power, and euery power by my father constitute |
As now corroborate and put into my hande, | |
Their offices vnder me to do and execute: | |
For he came to lose no lawes by his father institute, | |
But to make that perfect which should giue life perpetual, | |
1215 | And that should those ministers alway execute, |
And preache to all creatures the truthe euangelicall. | |
In the same Chapter it foloweth apparant, | |
His precepts should be obserued before which he had said, | |
sig: [F3v] | |
And which is Gods giue it God, these words are illustrant, Math. 28. | |
1220 | And which is Cesars giue Cesar, no man can this persuade, |
And Peter for Christ and him tribute to Cesar paide, | |
Some wil say like gentils, they shuld haue no king ne lord, Luke. 22 Math. 20 Marke . 10 | |
This maketh not for their purpose by no reason made, | |
But against their Romaine Viper al scripture to record. | |
1225 | When Christe said there shalbe no king ouer you, |
That was, your rightuousnesse all other shuld transcend, | |
Yee shuld neede no law, for vice yee shuld eschue, | |
For Christe came to minister all vertue to amend, | |
And not to haue a minister for that he would offend, | |
1230 | But for obedience and vnder gouernance, |
When he payed the tribute that doth the truth pretend, | |
And Peter proueth it plaine Gods diuine purueyance. | |
Some wil say in the Actes, and by Paule we may see | |
That the Apostles to Princes were not obedient, | |
1235 | In election ne vsage, but among them-selues free |
To them I put the case by way of argument. | |
If the kings grace shuld send by his minde beneuolent, | |
Twelue discrete persons to the regions of Asia , | |
To the Turks lands or Sophies to preach Christ omnipotent | |
1240 | And to Prester_Iohns, and the great Canis of Catha , |
These wold elect those which in faith were constant, | |
To minister and preach and make predication, | |
And cleane abiecte those in faith which were variant, | |
And of the Turke and the Sophie make no reputation, | |
1245 | Of Prester_Iohn nor the Cane, nor their lawes of damnation, |
Yet peraduenture they would consult in one, | |
To perscrute for their lawes and make indagacion, | |
To mixt them with Christes to make their faith more prone | |
But if they had once their purpose obteined, | |
1250 | As to conuert the great Turke or any such potestate, |
Were it reason that then the Prince shuld be constrained | |
To relinque and forsake the power of his principate? | |
sig: [F4] | |
No, for reason would this, he should be onustate, | |
To commaund and see Christes lawes in execution, | |
1255 | And to keepe temporal iustice by his lawes inueterate, |
So they repugne not from Gods constitution. | |
To this may resemble the Apostles vsage, | |
As to electe Mathias and other for certaine, Act. 1 | |
And to mixe with Moises lawe the people to encorage, | |
1260 | Commaunding from strangled and bloud to abstaine. Act. 15 |
And Timothe was circumcised, this doth apeare plaine, Act. 16 | |
And Paule made a Iewish vowe at Iames request. Act. 21 | |
Thus diuersly they wrought their purpose to obtaine, | |
Sometime depriuing lawes to bring all to the best. | |
1265 | Paule saith, among Iewes he became as a Iewe, |
And a Gentile with Gentiles, thus was his direction, | |
But when he perceiued the men firme and true | |
Conuerted to Christ with faith and perfection, | |
He vsed no cautel nor no suche suggestion. | |
1270 | This is euident where to his freend Timothee, |
He commaunded for kings to make intercession, 1. Tim. 2 | |
And to Titus to obey to power and aucthoritie. Tit. 3 | |
To the Romaines he saith, let euery soule submit Rom. 13 | |
Him-selfe to the aucthoritie of the higher powers, | |
1275 | Concluding of God constitute is it, |
And who as it resisteth Gods ordinance deuoures | |
To his owne damnation, and he saith, gouernors | |
Beare not a sweard for naught, nor onely to take vengeance | |
Of the iricund and ill which be malefactors, | |
1280 | But also must be feared as touching vnto conscience. |
For this cause pay yee tribute further there saith he, | |
For they are Gods ministers for the same seruing, | |
And Peter all this with woordes of facunditie | |
In his Epistle doth expresse without a word swaruing, | |
1285 | Further commaunding by a Paraphrase speaking, |
To honor their king: now these things iterate, | |
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Do proue all powers of God from beginning, | |
Without any question or any-thing excusable. | |
Now all powers beeing by the Apostles approbate, | |
1290 | These indoct dulbarts with senses obtusate, Gene. 17. Gene. 34. |
In the Bible may see how fathers alway, | |
As Abraham, Isaac, Iacob and Iuda, | |
In the lawe of nature ruled ouer circumcision, | |
And in the lawe written Iudges of habitacle, | |
1295 | As Moyses, Iosue, Samson and Gedeon, Iudic. 6 Iudic. 7. |
Commaunded priest and Leuite to rule in the tabernacle. Nume. 15. 16. | |
And in tabernacle and temple kings had the duction | |
Of Prophet Priest and Leuite, euery-thing sacrate, Reg. 10. | |
Saule had not onely this, but by Gods instruction | |
1300 | The vertuous had the same, as Dauid veterate, |
Ezechie, Iosias, and Iosaphat sanctificate, | |
Salomon and all after the captiuitie, | |
The imperiall gentiles ruled the Church dedicate, | |
And ofte by the prophets confuted much heresie. | |
1305 | Nabuchodonosor was one, and Darius also, |
At Daniels intercession destroying false Baall, Dan 14. | |
Searche the Bible through and ye shall finde mo | |
Authorities than these by a thousande cleere seuerall, | |
Yet if the greedy Griffons and vile todes terrestiall, | |
1310 | Which feareth the world by their auiditie, |
Beleeue expositers more than truthe canonicall, | |
Then let them looke [to] Hamo for their securitie. to] 1572 omits | |
Et Epistola Gregorij ad Mauricium, | |
Et Epistola Gregorij ad Theodorum, | |
1315 | Et descriptio Augustini contra Cresconium, |
Et Epistola Augustini ad Bonifacium, | |
Et diuus Thomas de regimine principum, | |
And the writing of Isidore with Origens declaration, | |
And many mo than these too long to shew or summe, | |
1320 | Unseemefull and scurrill to length such protestation. |
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What can they saye now, but by a Counsell generall | |
Contrary was determined with great sagacitie, | |
The which cannot erre, and there was all scrutal, | |
To them I respond and their naughtie semitie, | |
1325 | That Counsell had not the spirite of veritie, |
For then they beleeued not Chrystes iustification, | |
But mixed it with workes, the which made properly | |
Their Counsell to be naught to Christes derogation. | |
For that not in scripture it is naught but sinne, | |
1330 | Ergo, it is naught their Counsell is vacuate, Rom. 14. |
From the left nor the ryght hand they maye not beginne, Ios. 1 Deute. 5 Deute. 17 | |
Nor ad nor detray from Gods lawe most dedicate, Deute. 4 Deute. 13 | |
All plants that he planteth not they must be eradicate, Iohn 15. Math. 25. | |
And thirdly Princes thinking it was good deuotion, | |
1335 | To haue Gods lawes from worldly things sequestrate, |
They consented to a Gouernour vppon a small motion. | |
This was done conditionally the fayth to refirme, | |
And not for traditio[n]s and false Ipocrisye, | |
And if there were no more for the whole aphorisme, | |
1340 | This was sufficient to defeate the false papacie, |
And Iames of Hierusalem was the first Byshop verily, | |
And who-so lyst to search in the Counsels of Neceyne , | |
Among foure Patriarkes Rome had the lest Auncientie, | |
As of Antiochia and of Alexandrine . | |
1345 | Constantinople sayde they were superiour, |
When Focas the Emperour elect the fourth Boneface, | |
Questionlesse Rome was rather inferioure | |
To this, vsurped power al ryght dyd deface, | |
Who lyst to knowe the truth, reade the storie of Focas , | |
1350 | And we haue no authors but by Apocripha, |
That do testifie that euer Peter was, | |
At Rome in his life, but at Antiochia , | |
And Paul recordeth to the Gentiles he preached, Gala. 2. | |
And also Ananias in the actes doth declare, Rom. 11. | |
1355 | How the kings of the gentiles by Paul should be teached: Actes. 9. Ephe. 3 Rom. 15 |
Now what can the Locustes aleage or yet pare, | |
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Except a wrong custome who wil contemplare, | |
For after Christes dayes this is plaine manifest, | |
Sixe hundred yeere the custome was contrary, | |
1360 | Therfore haue they plaine confirmed their Antichrist. |
Of Holidayes. |
|
In an-other thing than this, our Prelates haue deuotion, | |
That is, to haue dayes for Halowes sabbatizate: | |
Who wold think such acts nebulous, to be of gods motion, | |
When the Saboth day, for god which was only preparate, | |
1365 | Seemeth by Paule to be more than semilacerate? Gala. 4. Collos. 2 |
For he saith, it is a shadow of certain things future, | |
And Christ said he was Lord ouer the Saboth figurate, | |
And affirmeth it made for man, and man not for it sure. Math. 12. Luke. 6 | |
And this is plaine, who giueth honor spiritual | |
1370 | To any creature, but vnto God alone, |
He breaketh the commaundement, the which is most principal: Exod. 20 Deute. 5 | |
And to fast and keepe Saboth but vnto him in throne, | |
From the Metaphore of Christ themselues they do sepone. | |
For to the yong man which said to Christ, good maister | |
1375 | What shall I doe to get heauen? Christ answered, |
There is no man good, but in heauen my only father. Math. 19 Mark . 10 Luke . 18 | |
And if men wil aleage with reasons rubiginous, | |
As to honor God in Saintes with such turpiloque, | |
Their reasons are nought but diuelish words rixous, | |
1380 | The Apocalips is plaine against their aucthoritie, |
For the Angel said to Iohn, kneeling in humilitie, | |
Take heede thou do it not: but honor God he saide. Apoc. 19 Apoc. 22 | |
Now this is sufficient, at a breefe micrologie, | |
All Sillogismes and reasons shortly to persuade. | |
Of Purgatorie. |
|
1385 | Also for polling they haue picked vp a Purgatorie, |
Spoiling Christes bloud and his misericorde, | |
And by Machabeus they make such aucthoritie, | |
That precation for the dead it neede to our Lord, 2. Macha. 12 | |
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Yet in the Olde testament of a better recorde, | |
1390 | Dauid for his sonne which he had by Barsabee, 2. Reg. 12 |
After he was dead, would neuer concorde | |
To pray any whit for his soules salubritie. | |
And in the ninthe chapter of Ecclesiastes, Eccle. 9 | |
These words are contrary to the booke of Machabees, | |
1395 | Which saith, that dead men the truthe to discusse, |
Haue no part of the worke that is done vnder Phebus. | |
And in case this were not any-thing dissonant | |
To the prayer and oblation done to Machabeus, | |
Yet to vs now it is cleane discordant, | |
1400 | For we haue attonement in light, and not vmbrous. |
For our heauenly father these words did expresse, | |
That he would be to vs a father of all mercy, Gene 23 | |
And he hath giuen vs Christ to fulfil his promisse, Math. 1 | |
Which hath purged vs with his bloud without rusticitie, 1. Iohn . 1 | |
1405 | And hath satisfied for our sinnes to our taciturnitie, |
And by him we are righteous, perfectly iustified, Heb 10 Gala. 3. 1. Iohn . 3 | |
And to make right no right, it is no veritie. | |
Thus nought is their purgatori which they haue specified. | |
And if one would aleage to the Corinthians, where is said | |
1410 | How our-selues shall be saued, yet as it were by fire, 1. Cor. 3. |
That is, by Christ the foundation which is laide, | |
By whose deseruing the spirite doth inspire | |
With the burning zeale of charitie only at his desire, | |
To loue God and our neighbors, causing repentance, 1. Iohn . 2 Math. 6. | |
1415 | Making vs to remit all trespasses and ire, |
Wherby we obtaine of our sinnes deliuerance. | |
For God him-selfe is charitie, and who abideth in it | |
God remaineth in him, and he in God againe, 1. Iohn . 4 | |
In the forsaid Chapter it is shewed euery whit | |
1420 | By Paules exposition, though it be not so plaine, |
For folowing immediate, he saith these words againe: | |
Are yee not ware that the temple of God are yee? 1. Cor 3. | |
And Peter in his Epistle he doth concord againe | |
To much of this purpose without nebulositie. 1. Peter . 4 | |
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1425 | For Peter saith that God wold haue al men to repentance, |
Certifying that the elements shal waste with caliditie, | |
The heauens and the earth with euery work and distance. 1. Peter . 4 | |
As who say, who repenteth shal passe that minacitie, | |
And repentance proceedeth vpon grounded charitie. | |
1430 | Now, what can our prelates allege for their excuse, |
Except by a vsage of a false sequacitie, | |
This woord poenitentia the which they do abuse? | |
Diuers haue pronounced the truth of this worde, | |
As Erasmus and other, right rutil of recorde. | |
1435 | How-be-it, I would that infants both great and small, |
Knew how it commeth of penitet the verbe impersonall, | |
Which is to forthinke, and that with heart contrite, | |
And not to do penance our-selues to iustifie | |
But to walke of a_new and therin to delite, | |
1440 | Which is great penance our vsage to pacifie. |
It is plaine how Christe to the woman of Cananie, | |
Commaunded to sin no more, other penance gaue he none, Iohn . 8 | |
Nor yet to no other, nor to the theefe verily, | |
But said in Paradise thou shalt be with me soone, L[uke] Luke] Leuit. 1572 23. Luke] Leuit. 1572 | |
1445 | And if we knowledge our sinnes, he is faithfull saith saint Iohn. |
And iust to forgiue vs our sinnes intoxicate | |
And to clense vs from all vnrighteousnesse in one, 1. Iohn . 1. | |
Now this maketh purgatorie to be cleerely frustrate. | |
The fifth Article. |
|
To the fifthe Article where-as was required, | |
1450 | Seuen Bishops with others which they called heretical, |
That proued (said the king) they shalbe surely punished. | |
Howbeit we esteeme them true teachers substancial, | |
And this not proued, then is it iudiciall, | |
They to haue like punishment, which do this thing impute, | |
1455 | And being so far distant, he thought their words prodigal, |
Neuer hearing ne seeing them preach ne execute. | |
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To this Article. |
|
This request doth resemble a story in Isidore , | |
Which recounteth how king Philip besieged Athenes, | |
And but onely ten wise men, he asked no more | |
1460 | To be deliuered to put them to distresse: |
But then the Philosopher called Demostenes | |
He gaue counsell nay to that worke ruinous, | |
And for to eschue that formidolous busines, | |
He put foorth this fable to them commodious. | |
1465 | Wolues somtime (quod he) frendship to shepherds profred, |
On condition that they would deliuer their hounds to them, | |
For your dogs are those said they, which hath our frendship barred: | |
Whervpon the shepherds deliuered the same, | |
Then afterwards the wolues deuoured them to their shame. | |
1470 | And in likewise (quod he) would they to our grauitude |
With great ferositie confounde vs to our blame, | |
For default of men sapient our Citie to delude. | |
Thus our wolues irat these Duns-doctors rixant, | |
If they had obtayned, would haue followed this fable, | |
1475 | Deuouring the elect all Chrystes lawes mitigant, |
Depriuing the truth, to rumpe euery sillable | |
By craftie Silogysmes and reasons variable, | |
With counterfet gloses, and sense tropologicall, | |
Craftily sophisticate with reasons appliable, | |
1480 | Making them to appeare to seeme anagogicall. |
Thus would they haue ruffled and rashed in their relatiues, | |
Searching night and day man[i]pulus curatorum , manipulus] manupulus 1572 | |
With the exornatory of Curates and many inuentiues, | |
As Dorme secure, and Gesta Romanorum, | |
1485 | With the annall vsage of Ceremones parati, |
And the negotious search of Sermones discipuli, | |
And many mo than these besides their decrees, | |
With constitutions and decretals, with suche suttle lyes. | |
Albertus de Secretis with Phisionoma Scoti , | |
1490 | With much Arte Magike, as Negromancie, |
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Some would studie Orminancie, and some Piromancie, | |
Some Idromancie, some Geomancie, | |
Some Pedomancie, and some Ciromancie, | |
Some Palmistrie, with the science Mathematice, | |
1495 | Lacking Christes musike and his geometrie, |
With all his astrologie, and all his arsmetice. | |
And also with their Metaphisiks, and arts supersticious | |
Ouer_many to rehearse, with their Philosophie, | |
Would haue hindred Gods word to good men meticulous, | |
1500 | But thanks be to Chryst, and the high deitie, |
Their purpose is defeted with all their vapiditie, | |
To the honor of god and our most christened Monarchie, | |
Our prince imperiall and flowre of Nobilitie, | |
Which the Prelates named an vniust Heresiarchie. | |
1505 | Now therfore let all men which haue inspiration |
Looke for a sickle, for the haruest dothe approche, Apoc. 14. | |
Let them sing alleluia, and make iubilation, Apo. 19. | |
For the winter is past, and the sommer doth incroche, Mark . 1[3].13] 14 1572 Luk. 21. 13] 14 1572 | |
To the Romane Antichrist and all his friends reproche: Dan. 8. | |
1510 | Yea the Figtree is greene both faire and pulchritude, Math. 24 Luke . 21. |
My-selfe of the small buddes a Sallet did incroche, | |
And me-thought it was pleasant, right sweete and dulcitude. | |
For (thanked be God) sainct Frauncis cowle is spied, | |
And sainct Brides bead, with sainct Hellyns quickingtree, | |
1515 | Their girdles inuented, and their faire hayres died, |
With their chaulke oled for the milke of our Lady. | |
Sainct Sithe and Trenians fast, with works of idolatrie, | |
As sainct Nicholas chaire and sainct Anthonies bell, | |
With Turpine stone and Moyses yarde so thee, | |
1520 | With S. Katherins knots, and S. Anne of Buckstones wel |
And S. Wilfred Boorne of Ripon to kepe cattel from pain, | |
And his needle which sinners can not passe the eye, | |
With S. Iohn and S. Peters grease for to conserue the braine, | |
And S. Thomas hoode of Pomfret for migreme and the rie, | |
1525 | And S. Cuthberts standerd of Duresme to make their foes to flye, |
And S. Benets bolte, and S. Swithens bell. | |
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And sainct Patrikes staffe and sainct Williams head pardy, | |
And sainct Cornelis horne, with a thousand mo to tell. | |
The sixth Article. |
|
To the sixt article, where the Commons swarued, | |
1530 | Finding fault that the Counsel shuld be of smal progenie, |
At this sayd the king, we are greatly marueled, | |
For we are not obliuious of what habilitie | |
This our Counsell was at our incepte entrie, | |
For we had not very noble, but onely Earles twayne, | |
1535 | And the lord Merney and Darcy of a meane generositie, |
To they were preferred by our father and vs playne, | |
Lawyers and Priestes (quod he) were all mo than these, | |
Therfore he maruelled they were so obstinate, | |
Considering his counsell now so noble in degrees, | |
1540 | As two dukes, one Marques, with three Earles associate, |
Two lords, two knights, with foure bishops congregate, | |
And bicause they thoght it more than somwhat necessarie | |
To haue men learned, to haue their mindes approbate, | |
The lord Cromwel and lord Audley they put in authoritie. | |
1545 | And I perceue (quod the king) that some of you do enterprise |
As counsaylers to vs, which we neuer did admit, | |
But we well aduise you to leaue such preiudice, | |
And to meddle not of vs and our counsayle any a whit, | |
For certainely for our part we will not take it, | |
1550 | Therfore eftsones eschue such things exprobate, |
For we haue wit sufficient our counsayle to admitte, | |
And neede for that matter no counsayle interrogate. | |
To the Article. |
|
Now doubtlesse the diuell poured out his venome here, | |
To prouoke them to demaund so naughtie a request, | |
1555 | For of the seauen bishops, there was but one clere |
Of the kings counsayle, as playnly was exprest, | |
And how transuerse was it reason to complaine of the rest, | |
And to rayle and to riot with great words tumultuous, | |
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And by a cloked colour to say they were opprest, | |
1560 | And all to obteine their heresie voluptuous. |
To finde fault with their bloud, that was a great vanitie, | |
For true noblenesse proceedeth vpon mans condition, | |
And not by inheritaunce vpon olde antiquitie, | |
For then were vertue to riches in subiection: | |
1565 | Of Gaius_Flaminius who liste to haue inspection, |
Agaynst Publius_Cornelius did alleage the same, | |
And let them see how gentlenesse came at the first inception | |
And they shall be abashed vnto their owne shame. | |
And further let them looke vpon their owne gentlenesse, | |
1570 | Their estates, their bloud, and their long annositie, |
And few of them shal find their own worldly noblenesse | |
Fiue degrees constant without mutabilitie, | |
For fortune turneth hir wheele somtime to gret furnitie, | |
And sometime to illumine to a great donation, | |
1575 | As from an Earle to a gentleman of small habilitie, |
And a squire to a duke, thus is hir mutation. | |
And among experience it may well be noted, | |
Of the lord Audley and the lord Cromwel , the which they do diffame, | |
Whose Auncetors ere this were Barons wel promoted, | |
1580 | Til their fortune was transact, the which subdued their name |
And by credible information discended are these same, | |
Of these two Barons of a worthy parentage: | |
Therfore I maruell these people did not shame, | |
To make suche petition in suche a furious rage. | |
1585 | To speake of very noble, where may one compare, |
The kings grace reserued, whose high progenitors | |
Haue reigned kings in Britaine aboue a thousand yere | |
Before Christes natiuitie, as the first inheritors | |
To Cadwallader surseased, and his mother predecessors, | |
1590 | Haue reigned sithence the conquest, and of king Priamus , |
Before the reigne of England his bloud haue ben gouernors | |
Sithence the condigne reigne of the ancient prince Dardanus . | |
Therfore why the diuel did the slowormes finde such fault, | |
As to raile of so noble a prudent prince purueyaunce, | |
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1595 | When Michael the Archangell durst not be so hault, |
As to the fetous Deuill to giue rayling sentence, Zaca. 3. | |
Striuing for Moses, and for his deliueraunce? | |
Peraduenture to this text some wil replye, | |
Why raylest thou then thy-selfe with suche trenous distance, | |
1600 | To whom I do answere, this is the reason why. |
For myne owne cause I do it not, but only for displeasure | |
Doone to my God and Prince, against diuine ordinance, | |
And Christ rebuked the Pharesies, and whipt by incussion | |
Diuerse which were naught for his fathers constitution, Math. 23 Iohn . 2 | |
1605 | And the Galathians were rebuked very sore by Paule, Gala. 3. |
And diuers more than they ouer_long for rehearsall. | |
Now here is to be noted how Michaell the Archangel, | |
For the words sayd to him with the Deuil wold not rebel, | |
Thus of the Articles to make a shorte conclusion, | |
1610 | If they saye they do it for the faythes reformation, |
The scripture is against their false cloked collusion, | |
Ouer that it is well knowen their false imagination | |
For auarice was the cause to their owne preseruation, | |
Inuenting such a tale by a false vnanimitie, | |
1615 | To prouoke all other to haue mitigation |
In their myndes, for defence against their obscenitie, | |
The ende of the Insurrection. |
|
Then Anglia the Empresse inclusiue | |
Sayde, Holme thy long processe and thy prolixitie, | |
Hath last so long from our matter fugitiue, | |
1620 | That almost I am cast into a liturgie, |
And drowned in a dumpe with a tremous extasie, | |
Therefore I beseech thee in this thing contentious, | |
To shewe what the commons dyd after this replye, | |
For the truth greatly to knowe I am desirous. | |
1625 | And it like your grace (quod I) to reason of this responsion, |
The Commons met at Yorke to Counsell in this thing, | |
And there being permanent about the same conclusion, | |
They had to them deliuered a letter from the King, | |
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His graces pleasure to them there pronouncing, | |
1630 | That the Duke of Norfolk with other moe of grauitude, |
Should meete them at Doncaster there to haue commoning. | |
This matter to exsolue or else not to conclude. | |
To this the commons agreed vniuersall, | |
And so the daye was set at Doncaster to meete, | |
1635 | Wherevnto the commons apointed men seuerall, |
By the Baronage aduise whome they thought discreete, | |
Thus they appointed their numbre whole complete, | |
Of euery wapintage whome they thought florulent, | |
And prouided seuen thousand to be phalarate at Pomfret, | |
1640 | Conduct together as a stale for entisement. |
So at the daye appoynted bothe the partes met, | |
At Doncaster predict to make their placitation, | |
But as soone as they had their matter trounsed and bet, | |
The commons part abashed of their shameful obiurgation, | |
1645 | Howbeit the kings counsell to make a good pausation, |
Promised if faultes were they should be amended, | |
So it could be proued by any true probation, | |
Those articles or things the which they had pretended. | |
And so by the Duke of Norfolkes intercession, | |
1650 | There was graunted a pardon and that in generall, |
From Done to Twede for their whole transgression, | |
Of all contemptes and trespasses as well as things vitall, | |
Nyne only reserued for whome with promise cordiall, | |
The Dukes grace behight for them to make prouidence, | |
1655 | And so was al acquite for these causes actuall, |
And mercifully pardoned for all their yl offence. | |
Yet this ought to be marked in time of vacation, | |
Or the pardon was giuen by the Kings magnificence, | |
V. thousand Cotes of fence by the countryes preparation, | |
1660 | Was wrought and made for their corporall defence, |
And Boyes went a procession as they wold make pretence, | |
And Mynstrels soong songs with many moe abusions, | |
More lyke beastes than men to make so great offence, | |
To vilipend their Prince with such naughtie illusion. | |
sig: H2 | |
The later Insurrection. |
|
1665 | Thus of the first rysing I made a definition, |
But yet the Lady Anglia toke me by the sleeue, | |
And sayde ( Holme ) I haue more inquisition, | |
Of a latter commotion which greatly doth me greeue, | |
Doone by sir Frauncis_Bigot which maketh my heart fremeske, | |
1670 | For he was reconed one of the veritie perculent, |
And what a shame was it contrarie to flameske, | |
And to forsake the truth such wrongfull things petent? | |
According to the prouerb and it please your grace quod I, | |
The Dog is reuersed vnto his vomit againe, Pro. 21. 1. Peter . 3. | |
1675 | And the Sowe cleane washed in hir puddle wil she lye: |
What nowe (quod Anglia ) I see thou dost but fayne, | |
For shewedst thou not me, who as beleeue plaine, | |
Had the holy-Ghostes gyft to keepe them to saluation, | |
That saying (quod I) I will not once refrayne, | |
1680 | If it please your grace to heare with good deliberation. |
It followeth not the gyft should keepe alway from sinne, | |
For the olde Adam wil rebel and the Deuil is inuidious, | |
The flesh with the spirite to repugne he will begin, Rom. 7. G[a]la. Gala] Gela 1572 5. Gala] Gela 1572 | |
That is, the il spirit with the good is euermore contrarious, | |
1685 | To make thornes to growe to let the corne fructious, |
Howbeit the holy-Ghost to them which be elect, | |
At the last will subdue the olde Sathan viscous, Esay. 43. Act. 1. | |
And kepe to saluation this is the true effect, | |
And I doubt not his repentance who knoweth it inwardly, | |
1690 | Though the Deuill for to syft him his heart did resarcyne, |
By pouertie and vaine-glorye to haue frugalitie, | |
To make him proue to intend for to facyne, | |
Well quod Anglia , no more, but now of this defyne, | |
And shewe me how he rose and the insurrection, | |
1695 | Forsooth Madame quod I, I will the same combine, |
And it please you giue audience vnto his yl suggestion. | |
Truth it is after the commons had their pardon, | |
The king sent Aske and diuers moe than he, | |
sig: [H2v] | |
And lyke a condigne Prince to their costage and guerdon, | |
1700 | Some had twentie pound, some fortie and some more verily, |
But Bigot this perceyued with all his affinitie, | |
And thought the king wold stay the mater by his prudence, | |
And or euer they came home by their peruicacie, | |
They purposed by craft to take Hull for defence. | |
1705 | So Monkes, Friers and Chanons, and Bigot altogether, |
With many moe of counsell, they sent for to espye Hull, | |
One Halame a yeoman, but when he came thether, | |
Knowles had an inkling of his comming at the full, | |
Which manfully tooke him and there brake his skull, | |
1710 | And rypping him found letters of a great pauitude, |
Which purposed playne clearly to disanull | |
The Kings purpose before by their high gratitude. | |
But when Bigot heard that Halame was in captiuitie, | |
He burned vp a Bekyn and raysed nygh twentie score, | |
1715 | And sente fourth diuers letters to collect more companie, |
Himselfe toward Hull drawing euer more and more, | |
And sent to them thither, Halame to restore, | |
Craftely colouring that was his whole pretence, | |
But by that Aske came home, the Captaine before, | |
1720 | Which wrote him a letter to leaue his frowardnesse. |
When Bigot perceyued this letter described, | |
Not only by Aske, but by moe of habilitie, | |
Of his counsell before, then shortly he contriued, | |
To deuise in his heart this craftie subtiltie, | |
1725 | To call the Burgeses of Beuerley to him openly, |
Beseeching them record, he did not pretend | |
The kings grace ne his counsell any ignobilitie, | |
But Halame to obtaine an yl deed to amend. | |
And of this stale away sodenly from his host, | |
1730 | With a knauish Fryer or a Paliard or twaine, |
After that diuers Gentlemen being of the coaste, | |
Toke of them whom they thought most busiest for certaine, | |
By deede obligatorie bynding eche for other playne, | |
To appeare at Yorke at the consequent repaire | |
sig: H3 | |
1735 | Of the kings counsel, thither to aunswere againe, |
Such faultes and iniuries as should be shewed then there. | |
All other hearing this beginning for to ryse, | |
Casting in coniecture another tyme was better, | |
Surseased of their purpose and naughtie enterprise, | |
1740 | For openly they knewe by many sundry letter, |
The Duke of Norfolk would come, this nugous thing they herd | |
And thought them more ample their purpose to obtain, | |
For they perceyued he would amongst them long retard, | |
Therefore they regarded not their fact for to refrayne. | |
1745 | But marke the prouision which God dyd prouide, |
For the king commaunded Iustices at Hull for to sitte, | |
To inquire and to see what fault might be espide, | |
And there-by the countrey was determined euery whit, | |
Among them-selues they could it not remyt, | |
1750 | But condemned Halame with other two so thee, |
Thus hanged were they three for the fault they dyd commit, | |
As Haman in the steede of Mardocheus verily. Hester . | |
Soone afterward the Duke to their newes according, | |
Came downe by commaundement Iustice to redresse, | |
1755 | By the waye diuers of Bigots counsell meeting, |
Commaunded by the king to apeare for their businesse, | |
But proceede dyd the Duke more wrongs to oppresse, | |
And keept at Yorke a Oyer-Determiner, | |
Where by due execution were hanged for their frowardnes | |
1760 | Ten of pertinacitie of Bigots partie cleare. |
At that tyme present in a chappell in Cumberland, | |
Bigot was taken and had to Carlyle Castle, | |
Then by Priestes inticements rose the commons of Westmerland | |
With Cumberland associate, purposing to expel | |
1765 | Bigot from the Castle, but then the citie Carlyle |
According to aligiaunce, their malice did floxipend, | |
Esteeming them as traitours so falsly to rebell, | |
And them perturbed manfully their citie to defend. | |
The Duke then intending more iustice to execute, | |
1770 | In diuers other places this Insurrection hering, |
sig: [H3v] | |
Gathered a great number these traitours to confute, | |
For Rychmondshire and Kendal came at a short monishing, | |
And there was of Yorkeshire in his trayne following, | |
Diuers gentlemen furnished to this battaile vigorous, | |
1775 | But at Barney Castle when they were there gathering, |
The Commons had a brawle to them ignominious, | |
For at Carlile they lost with shooting at the Citie, | |
Al their arrowes their artillerie most principall, | |
And then fled away from their villanous enormytie, | |
1780 | This perceyued by the citie and gentlemen patrimoniall, |
They came forth with Speares v.C. substantiall, | |
Well-horsed in aray following in a chace, | |
By whome they lost their Crosse their standard principal, | |
And had three hundreth taken within a little space. | |
1785 | The other fled awaye as Sheepe with Wolues chased, |
Some oppressed, some spoyled, some with lamentation, | |
Thus sixe thousand, by fiue hundred were vtterly defaced | |
Latrant like Dogs for their abomination, | |
But after these newes and this expiation, | |
1790 | The Duke of Norfolk as a Prince not in hebitude, |
Came swiftly to Carlyle to do ministration | |
Of Iustice for their faultes to their great penitude. | |
For there was hanged vppon their heades capitall, | |
Three score and sixteene vnto their friendes puderous, | |
1795 | On trees in their Gardens to record for memoriall, |
Thus heere was the end of this acte periculous, | |
But then began Tyndale like traitours contencious, | |
To ryot vp with Kydsedal as they would make a brawle, | |
The Duke heering this as a raged Lyon furious, | |
1800 | Resorted to those countreys to proue their actes meutall. |
Those countreys seing this, with al the Dukes parature, | |
By a small entisement dyd humbly them submit, | |
As a Hawke from his praye entised to the lure, | |
Whereby by fauour their trespasse was remyt, | |
1805 | Reserued pledges taken bycause they should not flyt, |
And so the Duke departed resorting againe, | |
sig: [H4] | |
To Yorke to doo iustice on Traytours to sit, | |
Where ther were four hanged approued traytours plain, | |
After that to Duresme the Duke dyd repare, | |
1810 | And there by execution fourteene dyd apprehend, |
And thus in all partes they were taught to compare, | |
Hanging in the places where they dyd offende, | |
Some on trees some on gallows, to learne them to pretend | |
With diuers Priors and Chanons as traitours wauing hye, | |
1815 | To teach them eftsones their Prince to paruipend, |
As Babes to be busie with such petulancie. | |
Then sir Frauncis_Bigot was had vp to London, | |
Intreated as a traitoure with handes and feete bounden, | |
And Aske the first Captaine and diuers moe than he, | |
1820 | Was sent for to London and put in captiuitie, |
Bycause they were paranymphes to Bygots insurrection, | |
And for that they were traitours of a later consent: | |
Thus being in prison, Gentlemen of discretion | |
Indited them in Yorkeshire, as traytors euident. | |
1825 | Now after that the Duke had sitten on this Commission, |
They were arained at London before the Kings Counsel. | |
And by open proofe attainted of Treason, | |
And condemned by true Iustice, for that they did rebel: | |
Yet some there were fortunate, the which escaped wel. | |
1830 | But what will yee more? their Isagog so naughtie |
Hath brought all the other to durous death fell, | |
Disheriting their children by his false operacitie. | |
There was of this number Aske and Bigot Captaines, | |
A Baron, a Barons sonne, foure Knights and a Squire, | |
1835 | Two Priors, three Quondams, and two false Chaplains, |
Which Prelates haue caused to be confuted cleere | |
Foure principall Abbayes as playne doth appeere, | |
And diuers hang on Gallowes in irons well parate, | |
And many of their adherentes in sundrie countreyes seere, | |
1840 | As fugitiues and vagabonds they are cleerely fugate. |
Ah ah (quod Anglia ) thou makest me to smile, | |
But I pray thee why shewest thou not Lincolnshire rebellion? | |
sig: [H4v] | |
Nor yet of Norfolke why doest thou not compile? | |
And it pleased you (quod I) for this consideration, | |
1845 | The shires are very far distant from my habitacion, |
Therefore it is more meete for other to discriue, | |
Howbeit the finall of their abomination, | |
As the other saide before, was complete finitiue. | |
For the Duke of Suffolk hath caused in Lincoln_shyre, | |
1850 | As great execution to the countrey lamentuous, |
Beside in yrons hanging which began to conspire, | |
And some was headed at London for their acte iniurious, | |
And as for in Norfolk the gentlemen salubrious, | |
Toke their Captaines at the first ere they could fully ryse, | |
1855 | And after they were hanged for their facte scelerous, |
With sore execution to teache them to be wise. | |
But and it please you (quod I) this rysing to pernote, | |
It is like as Iosua when he reached out his speare, Ios. 8 | |
And as God with three hundred Gedion did promote, | |
1860 | The Medianites to confound by their own brawlege cleer. Iud. 7 |
So these men with deedes more bitter than Ipaxere, | |
Must needes fortune like, considering that the King | |
Setteth forth Gods worde lyke as a true Elixere, | |
Turning brasse into golde by his mynerall working, | |
Of the Mouldwarp. |
|
1865 | But ther is one thing (quod I) which I dare scantly moue, |
What is that quod Anglia ? forsooth Madame quod I, | |
Al the time of this bloonder to their own reproufe, | |
Lyke furious Bulls baited they spake of a prophesie, | |
Ascribing the king lyke traitours in trecherie, | |
1870 | To the Mouldwarp which Marline doth account, |
And I can proue playne their false fayned fantasie, | |
Is not against his grace for ought they can account. | |
It is thy dutie quod Anglia herein to descriue | |
To the publique cognisaunce of euery creature, | |
1875 | Whereby true men their spirits may reuiue, |
And to make the king ioyous thou ought to do thy cure, | |
sig: I1 | |
That his grace may perceiue their fantasie so obscure, | |
Therfore do it (quod she) and be not desidecious, | |
For herein to labour thou may be firme and sure, | |
1880 | The Papistes to perturbe, though they be prodigious, |
Then cryed I to the altitude to the Iupiter superne, | |
In the autentique mount of Hellicon so hye, | |
Surmounting Pernassus Alpha and [omega]Greek letter eterne, | |
To inspire me with his grace in-steede of Terpsicorie, | |
1885 | Herein to pronounce the perfite veritie |
To the laude of my king and my prince naturall, | |
For I lacked Calliope and the Muse Melponione , | |
With all the sciences which are sermocinall. | |
Yet I tooke vpon hande, and these words I sayde, | |
1890 | Ye Palyardes imprudent so prompt and prone to prate, |
To search well the Chronicles your-self it shall vpbraide, | |
For of the sixe kings by Marlin nominate, | |
The third Henry was the first of that number preparate, | |
And his sonne Edwarde, and Edwarde that made three, | |
1895 | And of very consequence the number of that date |
By royall succession that was the fourth Henry. | |
And as for the kings grace he is the twelfth king, | |
Therfore that way your reasons be vacuate, | |
And if by Edmonde_Crochbacke ye would make your reckening, | |
1900 | Your number is not right nor yet wel perambulate, |
And further than that yee should cleane perfigurate | |
The prophesie of nought and of no reputation, | |
For Edwarde and Edwarde they are twayne declarate, | |
Which descended not of him, as by true probation. | |
1905 | What can ye say now, except ye skippe at pleasure, |
To take heere one and there one your purpose to defende? | |
Then what deede ignoble were it aboue measure, | |
To so prudent a prince as the king for to condiscende, | |
To ascribe it to him his grace to naucipende? | |
1910 | Oh people lusolitous, way me the prophesie, |
And there may yee proue how greatly yee offende, | |
For no worde is like vnto the kings maiestie, | |
sig: [I1v] | |
The prophesie of the Mouldwarpe, declareth he shal be | |
A Caitife, a Cowarde, with a helderly skin: | |
1915 | But is he a Caitife, when playnely we may see |
His portrature and vigor a very Herculine? | |
And is he a cowarde the truthe to define, | |
When in Fraunce and in Scotlande his noble chiualrie, | |
And in many places mo so gloriously doth shine, | |
1920 | That he is accounted a Gemme in actiuitie? |
And hath his grace a henderly skin like a Gote, | |
When his pingued of nature will cause his pubertie | |
Long time to appeare: Oh Dawcockes ye dote, | |
To nihilipende your prince with such perputilitie, | |
1925 | But ye passe not of Antichryst for all his ill prauitie, |
For him ye would inhaunce with all ye could indite, | |
To skip, to transalpine, ouer mountaynes for to flie, | |
And to stumble at a straw not so muche as a myte. | |
Peraduenture yee will say the words of the prophesie | |
1930 | Dothe nothing resemble to the outwarde intente: |
Then with a cheere risible to that mitalogie, | |
I will playnly concorde, agree and consente, | |
And to all other particles in that prophesie ment, | |
For prophesie locute by prophane men alway, | |
1935 | And responsions by diuels they be things stultent, |
Perfructe by the figure called Amphibologia . | |
As by Nigromancie Gerebert had answere | |
To sing at Ierusalem a Masse or euer he dyed, | |
And the Puppet sang at Rome in a Church or a Quere, | |
1940 | Called by that name or euer the spirite he espied. |
And one Stephin of Angeo , by a spirite had specified | |
That he should dye in Pluma , by which words ociabund | |
He was resident from fethers, and might them not abide, | |
And in a Castle so named he died like a vacabund. | |
1945 | One Alberice also Earle of Northumberlande |
Had answere by a diuell Grecia to obtayne, | |
Which made him resulte and ioyous to take in hande | |
To conquere all Grece to his ligitious payne, | |
sig: I2 | |
And made him to pampereske and to returne agayne | |
1950 | To the countrey of Normandie, where he had pollicite |
By king Henry of Englande a widowe for certayne | |
A wife called Grecia , thus was his chaunce finite. | |
Pirrhus of Appolline had suche a like responcion, | |
With diuers mo than these ouer-long determinable, | |
1955 | But other wayes than this there is muche preuention |
By the figure sayd before, as a spirite ineffable | |
Might say to a maried man these words comfortable, | |
Thou shalt haue to thy wife lady Rosa or thou dye. | |
Here were a doubt whether he should wed the flore venerable, | |
1960 | Or to haue hir to his associate wife company. |
Also one might say, thou shalt haue viuacitie | |
As many yeres as this yard wand is inches of length, | |
Now some would mete the inches and think no duplicitie, | |
Yet one might sure pernoske another way such strength, | |
1965 | As to rumpe or burne the yarde, or to burne it to dust, |
For then were the yarde not an inche of length at all, | |
And it not inches long, then might a man proue iuste, | |
The destenie may be done by this color duall. | |
Also if a woman solde geese in the faire | |
1970 | To one called Pecock, and another swan nominate, |
I had Geese, Swans and Pecocks she might well declare. | |
Also one might by this color figurate, | |
Of a man called Foxe buy Turues parate, | |
And say, I bought Turues which I thought to leide, | |
1975 | The which was Foxes: thus double words ornate |
Wil make a false sense true, and a true a lye in-deede, | |
Ouer this, prophesies by true declaration | |
Doth more resemble to nature, than to words of vanitie, | |
As Daniell figured regions to beasts and variation, | |
1980 | So may we thinke for rapine the Cleargie, |
And for true noblenesse a Lion to the Laitie, | |
May not Marlin meane thus by his words miraculous? | |
And a Dragon for his venime to compare to the commontie, | |
This doth appeare better than playne reasons linguous. | |
sig: [I2v] | |
1985 | A thousand suche wayes in prophesies are contriued, |
And Peter sayth the good hath no priuate exposition, | |
Then must the ill with subtiltie and ill be deuised, | |
As plaine it doth appeare by many an ill peruersion, | |
And specially in Yorkshire at this last commotion. | |
1990 | For amongst diuers people there was one right profound, |
Whose ende to perceiue there can be no direction, | |
Howbeit the beginning made diuerse not fremebounde. | |
Now this was their prophesie and their nugacitie, | |
Without a word added, or a worde of minoritie: | |
1995 | Foorth shall come a worme, an Aske with one eye, |
He shall be the chiefe of that meinye, | |
He shall gather of chiualrie a full faire flocke, | |
Halfe Capon and halfe Cocke, | |
The Chicken shall the Capon slay, | |
2000 | And after that shall be no May. |
Of the first part of this we may haue some inspiration, | |
But the last parte is colored too far from mans minde: | |
Thus are diuelish prophesies made by such obiection, | |
That falshod in the ende, that is their proper kinde. | |
2005 | Of the Mouldwarpe who wil scrute he shal the same find, |
For three of the laste prophesies by Marline pagynate, | |
No man can finde true, but abscondent and blinde, | |
And I can proue them playne bothe past and depopulate. | |
For in the English Chronicles who liste to aspicer, | |
2010 | In the last chapter of king Cadwalader , |
They may perceiue an angel said the wil of god was plaine | |
How the Britons shuld neuer-more in Britaine raigne, | |
Till the prophesies sayd before by Marlin be fulfilled, | |
And that time should neuer be vnto the time future | |
2015 | That the reliques of his body into Britaine wer translated |
From Rome, with the reliques of other saincts sure | |
That hath ben hyd for the Paynim folkes persecution, | |
Which shall be published, and found, and openly shewed, | |
Then should they of that lande haue perfite restitution. | |
2020 | Here may be noted Marlins prophesies subdued, |
sig: I3 | |
For Henrie the seuenth Cadwalladers bloud renued, | |
And the kings grace maketh Britons by the number plural, | |
Which is very relikes it cannot be eschued, | |
Of flesh, bloud and bone, of the same stocke paternal. | |
2025 | Which is from Rome translated, and that false obedience, |
As supreme head in earth vnder Christ to sustentande, | |
And Gods word the reliques of other sainctes pretence, | |
Which for persecution of their sore fire-brand, | |
Is now openly shewed all heretikes to grauand. | |
2030 | Now thanks be to God for his great largition, |
Now before the seuenth Henrie, this doth promulgand | |
The prophesies of Marlin haue ended their condition. | |
And this is the meaning of Marlins prophesie, | |
Where he saith that the right heirs of England shall end, | |
2035 | That is, to continue shal that genealogie, |
For euermore as the angel did pretend | |
To Cadwalader, when he promised his blud again to send | |
And where Marlin saith sixe of the last kings, | |
In that of the last halfe he did comprehend | |
2040 | To take where he list, these were his meanings. |
And by the seuenth Henry it is plaine manifest, | |
As for calling the same to be the land of conquest, | |
And it seemeth the fourth Edward the Mouldwarp for to be | |
For diuers causes, but for one most specially, | |
2045 | Which soweth his seede fatherlesse in a strange land, |
That is by the king of his owne procreation, | |
Which hath lost his Romain father the truth to vnderstand, | |
Of whom therfore good men haue made declaration. | |
This the Britishe Lion by Sibilla prophesied, | |
2050 | This is the Egle surmounting, which Festome hathe notified, |
This is the king anoynted, which S. Thomas specified, | |
This is the three-folde Bul which Siluester magnified, | |
This is the king which S Edward in words glorified, | |
Which shuld win Ierusalem with all the holy land, | |
2055 | And many realmes mo with the crosse that Christ crucified, |
By his abundant fortitude without dint of hand. | |
sig: [I3v] | |
Is not his grace a Lion and accompt his audacitie, | |
And a prodigious Egle high volant in things diuine, | |
And anointed with faith by the spirite of veritie, | |
2060 | And of faith, hope and charitie, a fierce Bul in trine: |
He hath obtained Christes crosse as they did vaticine, | |
With the heauenly Ierusalem aboue Ezechias, | |
Repairing the true temple in vbertuous wayes to shine, | |
Maumetrie destroying as the vertuous Iosias. | |
2065 | Ye this is he which hath made al the Romain bels to ring |
Without pul of hand, their false tongs papistical, | |
Hauing oile in his lampe he is a maiden king, | |
Though they take it otherwise by their senses carnal, | |
And in the true vale_of_Iosaphat the scripture canonical, | |
2070 | There no doubt but his grace is sepelite. |
for doubtlesse all the English prophesies autentical, | |
Concerning these matters by the king is whole condite. | |
Loe leprous lurdeins lubrike in loquacitie, | |
Vah vaporous villeins, with venim vulnerate, | |
2075 | Proh prating parentecides plexious to pinnositie, |
Fie frantike fabulators furibund and fatuate, | |
Out oblatrant oblict obstacle and obcecate | |
A addict algoes in acerbitie acclamant, | |
Magnall in mischeefe malicious to mugilate, | |
2080 | Repriuing your Roy so renoumed and radiant. |
Thus ending the pretending of their naughtie abusion, | |
I mused how they perused them-selfe as a feticine, | |
To perturbe and disturbe through such naughtie illusion. | |
Then Anglia like Flora more fragrant than Columbine, | |
2085 | All gorgeous and daungerous, shee looked like Eglantine |
Tripping and skipping, anormed most shine. | |
With purles and cuts, and broderie right fine, | |
Of stone, gold and pearle aboue Gwaner the Queene. | |
Shee was as tricke as Tamer , and like bony Barsabee , | |
2090 | More dapper than Dido , more ruddie than Rosamund , |
Shee florished like Florence , as pretie as Penelope , | |
As lowly as Lucrece lasciuious and ludibund. | |
sig: [I4] | |
Plasmate like Polixene , both ioyous and iocund, | |
More mystical than Melusin , or any nimph aliue, | |
2095 | For the muse Erato could not make such redound, |
With melodie armonious, so dulcet to deriue. | |
Adew Holme quod shee, and with that a cloud descended | |
More oderous than Balsamie or Pomander imperiall, | |
Like Mirrhe in suauitie or Gummes of Saba blended, | |
2100 | With perfume so Aromatike it passed sense natural. |
With that shee ascended vnto the skie stelliferall, | |
Included with the cloud, most glorious to deuise, | |
By power of the Lord eterne and potenciall, | |
Gaudent and plaudent among the three Hierarchies. | |
2105 | On a white horse there was a king in armes martiall, |
With a Lambe vndefiled more ruddy than a Rose, | |
Which the strumpet vulnerate the whore Babilonicall, | |
Then Cherubin did clarion,and sing athanatos, | |
And Seraphin did Symphane kyrie eskyros , | |
2110 | The thrones to their trompes, they sang Osanna , |
The dominations droned vp this word Agios , | |
And the Virtutes with virginals they sang Alleluya . | |
The potestates and principates, they piped Eleyson , | |
The Angels they sang Sabaoth Sother vnigenitus , | |
2115 | And the Archangels Rabi Messias Tetragramaton, |
Emanuel adonai in excelsis sanctus, | |
Iehouah et abba primus et nouissimus, | |
O saluator mundi with that they gaue a shout | |
All with one concorde, and sang Iesus_Christus , | |
2120 | The Lambe vndefiled doth iustifie no doubt. |
Deo gratias quod I, Et te Deum laudamus , | |
God the Father, God the Sonne, God the Spirit vital, | |
One in three, three in one te glorificamus , | |
Not three Gods but persons, and one God essentiall, | |
2125 | To whose potenciall iustice, be louing eternall, |
And to the sapience of the sonne of his misericord, | |
And to the gracious espirit in vnitie all coequall, | |
Equipolent and vniate, one God and one Lord. | |
sig: [I4v] | |
The deitie of him-selfe eterne not proceeding, | |
2130 | And Christ lesse than the father being but a man, |
And the word of the father essent euer being, | |
Not made ne creat, but got, or euer the world began, | |
And the euerlasting spirite he proceedeth than | |
Of the father and the sonne equal God associate, | |
2135 | Whose power, deedes and wil concordeth against sathan, |
To whome giue we honor with our Christ incarnate. | |
Beseeching his prohennitie for the kings magnificence, | |
That he may haue long life, Gods word to fortifie, | |
And to send vs of his body heire male for our defence, | |
2140 | All true espirites Anglice for to reioyce and magnifie. |
Thus concluding by correction of the kings maiestie, | |
And his counsel honorable, with all those perfidious, | |
That with firme trust and hope beleueth Christ to iustifie | |
By his deede and his promisse to make vs all righteous, | |
2145 | The .xiiij. day of July componed and compiled, |
In the .xxix. yeare of the raigne of the .viij. Henry royall, | |
By Wilfride_Holme vnlearned, simply combined, | |
As a Pigme to writing with Hercules for triall, | |
In Huntington in Yorkshire commorant patrimonial, | |
2150 | Pretending and intending with Gods grace, to endeuer |
My-selfe to worship the Lord sempiternal, | |
Wherby I may be iust to my God and Prince for euer. | |
FINIS. per Wilfridum_Holme. |