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The dichotomies of Desire and Fear / Sex & Violence
Sexuality is perhaps the most complicated of the standard
commodities of the indigene, seldom expressed unequivocally and without
ambivalence. It has to be said that this is not only true of the sexual
commodification of the native woman, but of women universally. For example,
the reaction to the savage indigene is usually negative whereas the
sexualised, erotic/exotic indigene is seen as the positive ideal of
native feminine beauty [Goldie 1989:67]. From projections of this ideal
through postcards, tourism and other textual media such as film, literature,
poetry and now advertising, a power structure has emerged based on the
commodities of sex and violence. The static Other reflects the gaze
of the observer and returns the image which the male gaze requires [Goldie
1989:65). The power is held by the describer and creator of the pose
(photographer, artist) to return the desired image. This can be summed
up by the conclusion of John Berger; "men act and women appear. Men
look at women. Women watch themselves being looked at" [as quoted by
Pollack: 1992].
The representation of indigenous women as erotic beings, sexually
available to the male colonists gaze, fills three purposes. Firstly,
the temptation and guilt arising from erotic desire is transferred
from the white male viewer onto the Other; the sensual erotic/exotic
native female. Secondly, the possession of the indigenous women is
equated to possession of land. This is clear in postcards of alluring
Maori maidens positioned against backdrops of lush scenery or placed
beside Maori carvings, meeting houses and Pas (signifying the culture
of the past). The maiden, representative of nature, invites the colonial
gaze to penetrate, and consequently possess, both herself and her
land. Thirdly, the sexual availability of the native woman connotes
the absence of an aggressive native male society. When the male is
defeated, the indigenous female is offered or offers herself as a
metaphorical war trophy for the white victor [Beets 1997:15].
The primary role for the male exotic is found in the standard commodity
of violence that does seem to have some historical basis. For example,
the warrior trope. The trope is still maintained in and by the hierarchical
iwi structures but the way that the warrior tradition is understood
is from a Westernised (and hence, masculinist) perspective. This is
illustrated by the absence of photographic images of native warriors
with native women. When they are represented, it is always in traditional
costume. This imagery again depicts a culture that is a phenomenon
of the past, not the present [Beets 1997:16]. Overwhelmingly, the
myriad images of the exotic beauty of the South Seas or the Pacific
Islands depict images of women. Though there do exist images of the
actively savage Pacific Island male beauty as defined by western discourse,
there are few images of a passively sensual Pacific Island male [Beets
1997:91]. In my view, this could be interpreted as an indication of
how feared/admired the male indigene was/is by the white colonial
male.
Early Cinema - Integration and Segregation in Aotearoa
On the surface, New Zealand's national story is represented
through the texts of postcards, films, tourism and ethnographies as
a utopian historical romance, pursuing progress, modernity and racial
harmony. The reality was/is quite different from the iconographic representations
in these texts of Maoriland and the exotic/erotic Other. Early films
from 1910's and 1920's such as The Romance of Hinemoa, Under the Southern
Cross, and Hei Tiki portray the two cultures becoming one and are allegories
of cultural engagement with the exotic/erotic Other based on Darwinian
notions of racial/sexual classifications. Thus, films and television
programmes are not essays on authenticity and inauthenticity so much
as allegories of cultural engagement and negotiation between the coloniser/colonised
[Blythe 1994:21].
ÊThe Romance of Hinemoa
The film legend of Hinemoa and Tutanekai is a classic example
of allegorical narrative. Set in Maoriland (the romantic name for New
Zealand in the nineteenth and early twentieth century), the film embodies
at least five examples of stereotype that were seen as portraying the
authentic Maori in the imperial age: the Noble Savage, the Ignoble Savage,
the Romantic Savage, the Comic Savage and the Dying Savage [Blythe 1994:24].
New Zealand was very much influenced by the socio-politico intellectual
writings of Enlightenment thinkers, such as Rousseau and Diderot, and
the stereotypical classifications implicit in The Romance of Hinemoa
reflect this influence.
The Romance of Hinemoa (1925/27) was a British film
produced by Sphere Films Ltd, for Gaumont and directed by Gustave
Pauli, a Danish filmmaker, photographer and painter [Blythe 1994:27].
This version is the third of four versions of the legend. A fairy
tale-like narrative of handsome Noble Savages, it is set against the
visual imagery of lush forests and sparkling lakes designed to appeal
to the audiences fascination with exotic parts of the world, unseen
and unknown prior to the nineteenth century. Directed towards art
house intelligentsia, the film constructs a patronising discourse
praising the Maoris rapid escalation in the classification stakes,
exemplifying the imperialist mind-set. The sub-title of the film states
that "For the first time, a film has been acted entirely by Maoris,
who in less than a century have emerged from savagery and barbary
to a high state of civilisation" [Blythe 1994:27].
Such discourse, in a historical context, is not completely negative,
as implicit within the dialogue is the message that "at least Maoris
are good at something". This is often a message we hear today; for
example, when accolades are heaped on sporting heroes, musicians and
the like who happen to be Maori or Pacific Islander, comments along
the lines of "well, its in the blood, you know - but at least they're
good at something" can often be heard. As in the past, when trying
to go in the face of otherwise negative discourses about the realities
of life for indigenous people, the discourse of the powerful is often
implicitly/explicitly negative and patronising whilst giving praise
(this discourse could also be described as a back-handed compliment).
Conclusions
From analysing historical popular early texts such as the
keepsake postcards and the timeless romance films from the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries, to the images used by the tourism industry
today, it becomes clear that the romanticised picture of a Pacific paradise
is a chimera. An illusion posed and created by the greedy, sexualising
gaze of the possessive white male who not only desired/feared the indigene,
but wanted their land and resources as well. These exotic/erotic iconographic
representations of indigenous Pacific women are designed to appeal to
the fantasies and desires of white male consumers in different ways.
This raises questions about how such similarities translate within the
minds and fantasies of those who create/consume them, particularly those
who hold positions of power. Analysing the link between the erotic/exotic
packaging and objectification of Pacific/Maori women and the commodification
of the Pacific as a saleable entity created and maintained by white
male desire, reveals a complex web of domination and subjugation, desire
and fear. Only in identifying and deconstructing the stereotypical imagery
explicit within colonial, modernist and now post-modern constructions,
can the demeaning effects of the label exotic be reinscribed in a way
that disrupts the colonised/coloniser mind-set, and empowers the exoticised
to construct their/our own contextualised images.
Finally, I would like to include a poem that powerfully describes
the double othering or double bind that faces indigenous women when
trying to reinscribe and reconstruct their identities one hundred
and sixty years after the first western contact.
Fighting the Crown was written by a Maori woman from the small
settlement of Pawarenga, in the Far North, and was published in the
Northland Ageon 15 July 1999.
Fighting the Crown
Woman
Body carved cleanly and curved like a Crown
Nursery of new life in its cyclical round
Bold, bodacious, groovy and gracious.
History's high waves sweep your shores like a song
Smash rivers of right over rocks of wrong
Shattering spray lifts and drifts away.
Arced through the shimmer hangs a shining hope
Gods promised token like Mauis strong rope
Sign of a future both sunlit and sure
Lightening on faces of foes set in frowns
Who flit through the fight in the cloak of the Crown
Greedy and rotten their people forgotten
They yammer and yowl "You're the Mother of a dog"
Refusing to see you're a Daughter of God.
Jealous as Cain their hands are stained.
Fight those behind them with God-given skill.
Wielding the Word whose power can kill
Sharp as a knife yet offering life
Fight hard and strong and persevere
Fight for a future free of fear
Lovely loquacious
Bold and bodacious
Woman.
He Wahine Ra o Pawarenga.
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Bibliography
Beets, Jacqui. "Images of Maori Women in New Zealand Postcards after
1900" Womens Studies Journal: Special Issue: Indigenous Women in the
Pacific. 13:2 (1997).
Blythe, Martin. Naming the Other Images of the Maori in New Zealand
Film and Television. London: Scarecrow, 1994.
Gilman, Sander L. "Black Bodies, White Bodies: Toward an Iconography
of Female Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-Century Art, Medicine, and Literature"
"Race", Writing and Difference. Ed. Henry Louis Gates Jr. Chicago and
London: University of Chicago Press, 1986.
Goldie, Terry. Fear and Temptation: The Image of the Indigene in Canadian,
Australian, and New Zealand Literatures. Kingston, Montreal and London:
McGill-Queens University Press, 1989.
Pollack, Griselda. "What's Wrong with 'Images of Women?" The Sexual
Subject: a Screen Reader in Sexuality. Ed. Mandy Merck. London and New
York: Routledge, 1992.
Suaalii, Tamasailau. "Deconstructing the 'exotic' female beauty of
the Pacific Islands and 'white' male desire" Womens Studies Journal:
Special Issue: Indigenous Women in the Pacific 13:2 (1997).
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