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Stereotypes
A widely-held racial stereotype in the nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries was that black people (especially females) were pathologically
predisposed to sexual immorality [Beets 1997:30]. The scientific conclusions
of Social Darwinism helped to firmly establish these stereotypes in the
popular mind. For instance, Saartje Baartman, the so-called Hottentot Venus,
was toured throughout Europe as a living example of racial sexual anomaly
and, after her death, her autopsied genitals and famous protruding buttocks
were displayed at Pariss Musee de Homme [Gilman 1986:41]. In this context,
the erotic/exotic native savage becomes the comic savage, demeaned and
mocked; another variation on the essentialist sexual/racial classification
discourses of Social Darwinism. In an historical context these theories
grew more popular and spread world-wide through the increased movement
of colonial powers around the globe in search of resources to fuel the
capitalist coffers of Europe. The anthropologists, adventurers and explorers
who went overseas, brought back tales and evidence of wondrous lands peopled
with native savages; these savages were then classified on Darwin's sliding
scale of classification from primitive to civilised. Thus, various stereotypical
tropes were represented as being based in scientific fact. One fact is
clear, though, and that is that the exotic native savage, noble or not,
was soon to be a cultural phenomenon of the past due to the "civilising"
mission of European powers.
The dictionary definition of exotic is a useful starting point to gain
an understanding of this cultural phenomenon (or craze, as it would be
called today) in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Exotic is
described as synonymous with the following words and phrases: "outside";
"foreign"; "strange or different in a way that is striking or fascinating";
"strangely beautiful, enticing" [Suaalii 1997:77]. These terms and concepts
have been applied to the islands of the Pacific and the people that dwell
therein since the first western contact. The other enduring stereotype
is that of the "Noble Savage". The contradictory imagery of the exotic
beauty of the Pacific Islands and their inhabitants as both actively savage
and passively sensual is manifested, commodified, and sold by the West
to the West, particularly through images of the exotic female beauty of
these islands [Suaalii 1997:77]. Such images are created and controlled
by the West and maintained in the stereotypes perpetuated in advertising,
tourism, television and film today. From this commodification and objectification,
Pacific Island and Maori women are located as the sensual, sexual and savage
other of Western society and she is available for your consumption and
desire. Here she is simultaneously both outside, foreign, strange, and
different in a way that is both contradictorily savage on the one hand
and noble on the other. These seemingly contradictory images of the exotic
female beauty as passively sensual, and actively savage, are selectively
re/constructed by the white describer, to fit his orientalised perceptions
of the Pacific [Suaalii 1997:78]. The image of the female beauty of the
Pacific Islands and Maori women as different and other to constructions
of Westernised female beauty is captured in the label "exotic". This label
denotes the double marginalisation of women of colour such as Pacific Island
and Maori women in a different way to the arguments made by white women
against/about Western patriarchy. The label exotic is, in this sense, a
label which recognises the double othering of Pacific Island women as other
to both white males and white females and denotes the subordinate duality
of the indigenous female within the fixed and lived contexts of their lives
[Suaalii 1997:79].
Personification as the exotic other in Tourism
The personification of Pacific Island and Maori women as the
exotic other, both sensual and savage, by the contradictory images and
representations of various past and present forms of media, is, and has
been, a process controlled and maintained by white men. Their target audience
is the men of the power/knowledge economy; other white men. Therefore,
in understanding constructions of the exotic as a product of colonisation,
commodified and objectified and labelled for sale, the exotic may be read
as demeaning and exploitative of that which it labels. This is exemplified
in the marketing strategies employed over time by the tourism industry
who have used this imagery of the savage/sensual to titillate and feed
the western tourists curiosity/desire/perversity since the first Western
contact.
Tourism and the exotic
Tourism plays a central role in the persistent imagery of the
exotic. Tourism, argues Tongan writer Konai Helu Thaman, was and continues
to be
"a major contributor to, as well as manifestation of, a process
of cultural invasion that began in earnest with the spread of Christianity
and Western colonial interests in the nineteenth century and has continued
more recently, thanks to modern Western technological advancement, to the
universalisation of Western - mainly Anglo-American market-oriented, capitalist,
monetised - culture" [Suaalii 1997:79].
This quote from an indigene of the Pacific Islands, reflects
the cultural invasion instigated by the capitalist institution of tourism,
that manifests itself in the label exotic. The exotic is produced and reproduced
by the white corporate institution of tourism and trade to feed off the
desires of white males. Conceptualised and embodied in the persistent imagery
of picturesque postcards advertising the Pacific in nineteenth century
Europe, the commodification of Pacific women as a resource to be exploited,
penetrated and claimed began, and has been perpetuated through the stereotypical
imagery of tourism through to the twenty-first century. For example, the
postcard genre produced in the early 1900s bears a remarkable similarity
to the tourism images we see today in brochures, films, television advertising/programmes
and magazines depicting the people and places of Oceania.
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